tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-60167208498387256992024-03-18T21:56:10.744-07:00Voices for Global JusticeLionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.comBlogger59125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-3042762350610515582023-12-09T15:07:00.000-08:002023-12-09T15:07:55.905-08:00<p> The documentary - DWANDHA - A Tale of Two Rebels - is now available on YouTube</p><div data-contents="true"><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="77isq" data-offset-key="dfica-0-0"><div class="public-DraftStyleDefault-block public-DraftStyleDefault-ltr" data-offset-key="dfica-0-0"><span data-offset-key="dfica-0-0">DWANDHA - A Tale of Two Rebels | Udan Fernando | Sri Lanka | Documentary | English | 2019 - YouTube </span><span style="color: #1d9bf0;">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sM9ExpD-ooU</span><span data-offset-key="dfica-2-0"><span data-text="true"></span></span></div></div></div>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-54114898531423837152023-09-21T22:33:00.006-07:002023-09-21T22:41:03.966-07:00<p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><a name="_Hlk142043520"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Debt restructuring, austerity and the IMF: a panacea
or an exacerbation?<o:p></o:p></span></b></a></p>
<p align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; text-align: right;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk142043520;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Lionel Bopage<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk142043520;"></span>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Part 1<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">An outline of the problem<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Post-independent Sri Lanka
(Lanka) has suffered from recurrent economic crises; the more notable ones
being in August1953, in the late 1970s and most pertinently the current crisis
which essentially bankrupted the country. The trigger for the current crisis
was the prolonged pandemic that affected the world and the Russian – Ukrainian
war in February 2022. The government’s misguided policies on agriculture,
taxation and other sectors made the crisis worse. Post-independence, successive
Lankan governments, regardless of their political hue and rhetoric have made
more financial allocations to service its debt than it has allocated to education,
healthcare, water, power and other essential social necessities. The advent of
Covid-19 undermined trade and exacerbated this imbalance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The pandemic resulted in a
downturn in the Lankan economy, which is dependent on remittances from abroad,
tourism and exports such as garments from the Free Trade Zones and agricultural
products such as tea from the Malaiyaha areas. Global public debt as a
percentage of GDP rose from an unacceptable 84 per cent at the end of 2019 to
100 per cent by the end of 2020. Even the world’s two largest economies China
and the United States (US) were not immune. Their public debt ratio to GDP
increased.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The conflict between Russia
and Ukraine led to a spike in global commodity prices, particularly fuel,
fertiliser and food. This adversely affected the poor and those who lived from
one paycheck to the next. Furthering their misery was the strengthening of the
US dollar - the “recognised” currency for world trade - thus making the
defaults of low-performing economies like Lanka and Ghana a seeming
inevitability. This becomes even starker when Lanka's debt is looked at
forensically.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Public Debt Situation<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">According
to the IMF figures cited for March 2023, total public debt of the government of
Sri Lanka was USD 83.6 billion of which the outstanding foreign debt was
USD41.5 billion, i.e., 63.5 percent of the public debt. Of the GDP,
multilateral debts were 17.6 percent and bilateral debts about 17.5 percent.
About 52 percent of the bilateral creditors were Chinese, about 25 percent
Japanese and 16 percent Indian.<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">[i]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This is </span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">sadly not something new. Sri Lanka's economy
since at least the early 1950s has failed to produce sufficient foreign
exchange to meet the cost of imports. Add to this the fact that the vast
majority of the population, given the informal nature of employment and
business practices, do not pay tax. In addition, the largest share of
government revenue is devoted to the military, dwarfing expenditure on health
and education.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Successive governments were
able to hide this underlying weakness in the economy and their incompetence,
and corruption of the public purse when it came to accountability, the rule of
law and transparency by evoking the spectre of the “other” usually in the form
of minorities and they were thus able to shift the attention of the populace
from their own and the economy's shortcomings.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Hiding this fact that
governments in the past, regardless of their political hue like in the present,
have continued to borrow for non-productive and mostly wasteful and mismanaged
projects leading to a huge external trade deficit, without being able to meet
the country’s debt obligations; resulting in the country declaring bankruptcy.
Lanka still produces few of its avidly sought-after consumer goods making the
situation even more economically untenable. The top 20 per cent of the
population enjoy 42 per cent of the island’s income while the lowest 40 per
cent make do with 17.8 per cent.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">“Free market” economy<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The government as well as
those in opposition are still advocating a free-market economy combined with a
strategy of an export-led recovery process. So, the mantra of providing more
and more incentives to attract foreign direct investment, promote tourism, and
push local human resources abroad to make more foreign remittances continues.
They conveniently forget that “free” market economics created the crisis in the
first place and required the country to be bailed out by international
financial agencies on numerous occasions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Sri Lanka defaulted on its sovereign
debt repayments last year and entered negotiations with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) for access to a loan package on the premise of implementing
structural macroeconomic change. After obtaining USD 2.9 billion of financing
from the IMF, Sri Lanka was required to initiate and complete its domestic debt
restructuring process (reworded innocuously as debt optimization) in early
July. As this process will lead to serious economic shocks, the government
imposed a five-day bank holiday at the end of June 2023, to “facilitate” the
market in absorbing those shocks and to avoid a run on banks.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This sort of brutal
restructuring is not new to Sri Lanka. Since independence, Sri Lanka has had to
go to the IMF with cap in hand 17 times. This will be the tenth IMF loan Sri
Lanka received since the country</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">
was made into </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">a
free-market economy in 1977. The last loan was in 2016. The question the
country needs to ask itself is, are we going to be hoodwinked yet again as the
panacea offered by the IMF has been a systemic failure?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><br clear="all" style="mso-special-character: line-break; page-break-before: always;" />
</span></b>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Restructuring and austerity<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The impact of restructuring
will depend on what social layer one belongs to. To a majority, it will be
austerity once again, and once more people will be forced to demand economic
justice. Those who loudly advocate for the IMF-led restructuring have become
conveniently blind to tax avoidance and evasion, illegal siphoning of funds and
money laundering and corruption, mismanagement and wastage of resources in the
state sector. They have also been muted on the vital need to restructure the
economy to meet the needs of the populace, not a minority of very wealthy
individuals and families. Austerity has historically made the majority of the
population poorer and has increased income disparity.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This paper forcefully
challenges the economic mantra that debt restructuring needs to accompany
fiscal austerity. A blind obedience to the a priori dictates of neo-liberalism
is a sure fire recipe for disaster. The way the neo-liberal economy is designed,
tax evasion and avoidance have become a systemic issue. It allows the siphoning
off of taxable profits that corporations earn in developing countries like Sri
Lanka to tax havens around the world. In Lanka, the tax base is not wide enough
due to its extensive informal economy, and the large human resource component
in overseas employment, who make remittances.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Accepting the IMF package
requires cutting down of vital public expenditure such as on education,
healthcare and social safety nets. It will also promote direct and indirect tax
hikes, selling state-owned enterprises as well as natural resources to the private
sector, establishing public-private partnerships, liberalization of public
procurement and trade, increasing labour market ‘flexibility’ to hire and fire
and reduce wages and pensions, increasing interest rates etc. Nothing will be
done about corruption, cronyism and economic mismanagement.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">The next
section will cast a critical lens at the neo-liberal approach the IMF has
adhered to.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><a name="_Hlk142043627"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Part 2<o:p></o:p></span></b></a></p>
<span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk142043627;"></span>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Neo-liberalism<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Neo-liberalism is not a
solution, but the principal cause of the problem. I would like to offer some
personal insights here from my working life with regard to the manner a non
performing entity can be made more efficient and responsive, without resorting
to the sort of tactics the neo-liberals are obsessed with. Neo-liberal tactics
of austerity make the working people more oppressed at the expense of tackling
key structural issues the country </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-themecolor: text1;">is </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">faced
with, which are at their heart political and economic. One of the best early
examples in this regard was the top down approach used in 1970, after the
dictatorial coup in Chile, which rammed home an austerity program without the
consent of the people and the disastrous consequences its citizenry had to
endure as a result.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-themecolor: text1;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This article describes the
ideological frameworks underpinning the IMF's approach to a country's debt
crisis. Its economic statements about fiscal responsibility and debt repayment
pay little attention to the socio-economic and political causes that this debt
crisis allows to emerge from time to time</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">in a country like Sri Lanka or Ghana.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Neo-liberalism is not the
solution!<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">When neo-liberal economy was introduced in 1977, successive leaders of
Lanka told people that their future was going to be free, successful and
marvelous. However, the future that materialized did not accord with what they
predicted. Instead, we have a society where social and economic inequality and
bad governance prevail and people’s freedoms are being taken away. This is the
same situation in other countries where neo-liberal economics have been imposed
on.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Neoliberalism focuses on economic regulation rather than economic
planning. It promotes competition and protects market orientation against any
controls. Neo-liberals encourage people to embrace entrepreneurship with the
belief that at the micro level it creates wealth for the individual and at the
macro level they need to accept socioeconomic inequalities deriving from such
behaviors.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Instead of human rights, rule of law, civil liberties</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> freedom from prejudice
and prosperity, what we have is a system that promotes authoritarianism, which
gradually erodes our rights and freedoms over the years and justified in the
name of a strident mono-cultural nationalism. The language and logic we hear
are about democracies, but in reality, what we have are economic dictatorships;
under the rhetorical guise of growth and productivity. Meanwhile the economic
fruits have increasingly flown into the hands of the top echelons of society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Skewed economy a trap<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">If this untenable and unfair economic system is not modified, the
economic and political elite will continue to pay less tax for the riches they
have acquired from the productivity gains made through labour and other inputs.
The political elite who benefits from this inequitable system have no desire to
make them pay their fair share of tax; instead, the regime offers them tax cuts
on the erroneous premise that it is good for generating more employment
opportunities and humane working conditions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Instead, people are trapped in working long hours just to put food on
the table for themselves and their families. They do not have much time for
socializing or relaxation, </span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">having </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">forced many of them to endure poor working
conditions with no security. </span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">So, t</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">hey do not have the luxury to quit the job
looking for alternatives.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The prevailing system and its supporters have blunted our ability to
choose what our prosperity will look like, or how to live our lives. We have
lost the right to pursue our freedoms in our own ways without depriving or
impeding the freedom of others. Enjoying that right is restricted to those who
can afford to purchase that freedom to love, leave, leisure, and creation. This
is not only unfair but is also irrational.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Running a business and
governing a country<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Governing a
country is not like running a business entity or managing a home, though there
are situations where similar strategies can be used. Financially insolvent
situations can be considered as one. Let me start with my own business
experience so as to reinforce the point of a collaborative approach to
addressing the crisis. In 1987 I took over several business units of the
largest non-governmental organisation in Sri Lanka, that were running at a
loss, with the responsibility of transforming those into viable, profitable
units. I was able to show results within a year, but also expanded those units
and the workforce, and paid them better wages. This transformation was achieved
during an extremely tough socio-economic and political environment in Sri Lanka.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This was not a
unique situation as many face similar daunting tasks of turning around failing
business entities under the influence of many factors both internal and
external, such as project or market failure, diminishing sales and market
share, shrinking profit margins, lack of timely and correct information, a
disheartened workforce, lack of financial control, and inept management. I
believe that most of the time, such business failures are self-perpetrated.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Dealing with an insolvent
situation<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">If a business
is not solvent, its senior personnel in collaboration with their staff need to
come up with a plan on how to improve their economic survival. The best way to
do this, would be to openly discuss what has gone wrong so far and what
everyone, including the leaders could suggest making the economic prospects
better.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Leadership
needs to seriously consider and analyse the existing circumstances, decide on
certain lines of action that are fair by the owners, managers, and employees,
both consultatively and inclusively. They may seek advice of professionals with
demonstrated business experience. Then those decisions need to be implemented
proactively with contingency plans in hand in case of failure.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This is tough,
though not an impossible task. Otherwise, the alternative is to resort to
immoral and illegal ways through political patronage, corruption and black
money etc. By doing the right thing, many businesses bounce back, even
performing better and stronger. For the success is dependent on the leadership
of the organisation; whether they take advice on board, evaluate the advice,
and make tough but necessary decisions. Thus, they successfully implement the
turnaround plan, without creating bitter and hostile environments.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Addressing an insolvency<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">According to
my experience, businesses can continue to focus on producing and selling what
they have been selling well already. At the same time, they need to develop new
products/services to compete and survive in the market place. Here the focus
should be on what customers need and if what the entity provides can satisfy
their needs.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">To regain
trust, existing products/services may need to be improved, or new
products/services, less expensive and of better quality can be provided in the
market place. Branding may also need to change and new marketing strategies
followed. Pricing needs to be competitive, but needs to generate reasonable
profits to ensure the financial viability of the entity.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Additionally,
human resources need be allocated to appropriate positions, so that skills of
each employee and their contributions are better utilised. The business should
have an adequate cash-flow to settle its bills in a timely <span style="color: black; mso-themecolor: text1;">manner, including the payments on
monies borrowed. The business must manage its finances well. Also, the business
should be accountable and transparent</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">,</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> and its transactions should be traceable. Bad
financial reporting practices can lead to bankruptcy and closure of the
business</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">. S</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">uch
practices should be stopped immediately. Hence, maintaining better financial
reporting becomes crucial.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">T</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">he next
part of this article will point out that the economic panacea in the form of
austerity is not only unfair but also has a detrimental effect on the unity of
state as it does not address the underlying structural causes of the crisis.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Part 3<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">A culture of innovation<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Long term
survival of an entity depends on developing a culture of innovation. This needs
to be an organizational priority. Fostering such a culture consultatively and
inclusively needs a free flow of information, employee empowerment,
collaborative problem-solving and aligning values, policies, and procedures to
achieve business objectives.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">An outward
looking worldview, merit-based employment opportunities, recognising employee
skills and knowledge, fostering life time learning and acquiring skills,
encouraging to dream big in terms of future, flattening hierarchies and
developing 360<sup>0</sup> collaboration, fostering a climate conducive for
accepting and respecting diversity and promoting sense of belonging and new
initiatives are vital. These are crucial characteristics of an innovative
culture. Only then an entity becomes dynamic, responsive, adaptable, and
resilient.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Turning around a business<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">A business
entity cannot be turned around without the active engagement of the workforce.
Every worker needs to be convinced of and made accountable for the expected
performance with the assurance that beneficial outcomes will be shared across
the workplace.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">If the entity
is already insolvent, the situation needs to be turned around immediately. In
this situation, it will be extremely difficult to get external funding. So, the
entity must start with cutting down costs, expenditure, wastage, and
mismanagement; expediently collecting what is owed to the business, and selling
available products and services to the best customers for generating money.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Tough
decisions in the turnaround plan need to be executed with full commitment and
dedication of the workforce, while continuously monitoring key results areas
and their performance indicators. Simultaneously, any contingencies that arise
in the process need to be handled by thinking decisively and taking appropriate
remedial action sooner rather than later.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">What is
crucial is the adopting of a disciplined approach in analysing the situation,
developing a turnaround plan, and utilising the experience and expertise of
everybody and executing the plan for achieving the anticipated outcomes.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Dealing with a country-wide
economic crisis<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Dealing with
an economic crisis country-wide is more complicated than just spending less
money, as politics plays a big role. Austerity</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> the key neo-liberal tool does not simply
represent spending cuts. It is a process of moving society away from
consumption and wages towards investment and profits. It strengthens financial
capital at the expense of security and certainty in people’s lives, and drives
increasing socio-economic inequality in society.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Private enterprise increasingly penetrates into the state and makes it
more punitive, coercive and less welfare oriented, driving a culture where
callousness and cruelty towards those in need and enforcing values of social
hierarchy, dependency and competition. There are better and fairer alternatives
as evidenced by what Chile endured and overcame.</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Chile and neo-liberal
experience<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">If we recollect Chile in 1973, the elected government of Salvador
Allende was overthrown by the US backed and Augusto Pinochet led military
regime. The USA sent a team of economists<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
to introduce neo-liberalism in Chile and to counter the left movement that was
gaining popularity in Latin America. This was done prior to neo-liberalism was
introduced in Sri Lanka under the regime of President J R Jayawardene. Pinochet
worked along with the IMF and restructured the economy following their
conditionalities.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">They reversed nationalizations, privatized public assets, introduced
unregulated exploitation of natural resources, privatized social security, and
facilitated foreign direct investment and free trade. The regime guaranteed
foreign firms the right to repatriate profits generated from such business
operations in Chile and favored export-led recovery over import substitution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Despite these developments, Chile’s budget viability was dependent on
the income generated from copper, which was the natural resource that was held
in the hands of the state. All revenues from copper flowed into government
coffers. The results of structural reforms in Chile, such as growth rates,
capital accumulation, and high rates of return on foreign investment were
short-lived. With the Latin American debt crisis in 1982, everything went pear
shaped.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">What an IMF package entails
and not<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">An IMF rescue package is
conditional on governments needing to enhance their incomes and shrink
expenditure. For IMF loans, this means national resources and public
enterprises will be privatised outright, or through public-private
partnerships. Direct and indirect taxes will increase with price increases of
all essential commodities including food, education, health, electricity, fuel,
and water. Nevertheless, people’s reactions to such unpopular policies will be
counteracted by the ruling elites pledging to create more employment by
boosting agriculture and industry, with the private sector assisting national
development. At the same time vital causes to the crisis such as corruption and
ineptness of the leaders, and wastage and mismanagement of resources are side
stepped.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">IMF’s research arm in 2016
published a paper titled ‘Neo-liberalism: Oversold?’<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[iii]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>.
IMF’s independent evaluation office has acknowledged that fiscal austerity has
not delivered the expected outcomes. Despite this, IMF does not promote
sovereign debt reduction<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to boost
economic growth, but insists on fiscal retrenchment and austerity. It appears
that when it comes to countries like Sri Lanka and Ghana, IMF ignores its own
advice. The IMF is still adhering to austerity measures that inhibit economic
growth, thus undermining efforts to reduce debt-to-GDP ratios.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">According to the IMF,
unanticipated transfers to state-owned enterprises and unexpected exchange-rate
depreciations may undermine debt-reduction efforts. The IMF has not
acknowledged that such undermining occurs as an unintended consequence of its
own programs. This is because indebted countries are required to shift to
market-determined exchange rates, raise interest rates, and cut state
subsidies. Such measures also drive up business costs.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Further into debt<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The IMF executive’s
emphasis is still on faster and more effective sovereign-debt restructuring.
These measures have led countries into further debt distress and re-seeking IMF
help to face excessive delays, geopolitical bullying, and unresponsive creditors.
Disregard for their own research has led to lending programs that include
onerous conditions that bring deleterious living conditions to these countries'
populations and economies.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For countries like Ghana
and Lanka, the IMF rarely looks at the socio-economic and political conditions
that lead to debt problems. The risk is not necessarily the size of the ratio
of debt to the GDP of a country. The issue really lies in what sources of
income such as manufacturing, agriculture, services, tax revenues, and the
amount of savings and reserve levels a country has. This overall picture will
indicate whether a government could service a certain debt level while
retaining lending agencies' confidence and credibility. If this manoeuvrability
becomes limited or vulnerable, there will be difficulties in addressing the
spending needs and any ensuing crises. Ultimately, these situations can
negatively impact a country's health, education, and other essentials, leading
to a crisis.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Part 4<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">National debt and human
rights<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The implication of debt on
human rights is also of significant concern. Many countries in the world are
either already in a debt crisis or approaching it. This is not a new
phenomenon. Ability of many countries to service debt and meet the increasing
demand for health services was made worse during the Covid pandemic<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[iv]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>. According
to reports, some governments chose to borrow more funds to support at-risk
groups and build health infrastructure to respond to the pandemic. During this
period, many countries faced this tough choice.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Due to the pandemic, all
over the world tax revenues declined and debt repayments increased while demand
for expenditure rose. This had a negative impact on the provision of health
services everywhere. In particular, the focus on Covid-19 has often been at the
expense of other health concerns. Lockdown protocols also further </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">aggravated
h</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">ealth disparities between
rural and urban areas, against a stark historical backdrop of existing health
services, often failing to meet universal human rights standards of availability,
accessibility, acceptability, and quality.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Obligations of state<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The UN Committee on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR)<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
has emphasised the obligation of states to respect, fulfil, and protect the
right to health of their populations. This right is guaranteed under various
international and regional treaties that many states </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">have
ratified, including Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). This requires states to ensure the highest
attainable standards of physical and mental health. Implementation of these
obligations, however, has been hindered by budgetary constraints, corruption,
and a lack of political will to prioritize health, even in countries that have
ratified these agreements.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">To
hammer home the point, let me highlight the situation in Ghana, which is
undergoing a similar process of restructuring as Sri Lanka is </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">experiencing.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">Ghana as
a valuable lesson against austerity<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana has a similar
economic and political trajectory to Lanka. It has been bailed out a number of
times by the IMF, without tackling its structural issues of wastage of
government revenue, corruption, nepotism and incompetence. It is a country
whose economic model is based on products that are prey to global price
fluctuations, and also suffering from a seeming inability to build an economy
that meets the needs of the majority of its population, not a well-heeled
minority.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana is one of the world's
biggest cocoa producers and the leading gold producer in Africa. The price of
goods has been on the rise at an average of 41% in the past year. Ghana
overspent like Lanka during its good times. It did not save much to help when
facing downturns or external shocks, which were largely caused by price cycles
for its exports, oil, cocoa and gold, and also due to excessive fiscal spending
during elections.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana’s poly-crisis<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Like Lanka, lacking fiscal
discipline, and its practice of depending on foreign financing left Ghana
vulnerable to investor speculation and investment selloffs. Starting in early
2022, Ghana </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">faced a poly crisis, a complex of economic</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, financial and social crises. The real growth in GDP
declined due to rising price pressures, mainly because of food and petroleum
imports, and global supply chain bottlenecks that also contributed to rising
inflation. To tame inflation, interest rates were hiked from 4.5 percentage
points to 19%. The local currency, the Ghana cedi depreciated by almost 20%
against the US dollar, making imports more expensive, thus escalating prices of
goods and services.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana technically defaulted
on its domestic and international debt in February 2023. Ghana's unsustainable
debt levels forced it to seek an IMF bailout in July 2022. In mid-May 2023, the
IMF granted Ghana a three-year loan package of USD 3 billion to help it restore
macroeconomic stability. Its conditions were to reduce public debt from an
estimated 105% to 55% of GDP by 2028. This was the 17th loan package Ghana had
received from the IMF since 1957. So, every four years Ghana had to go to the
IMF with the begging bowl.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Balance of payment crisis<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This deficit in the balance
of payments is supposed to be addressed partly by the IMF loan package. Ghana
was forced to seek IMF assistance in dealing with global and local economic
shocks, such as the economic slowdown in China, the global commodity price
slump, irresponsible spending made during the elections in 2012 and 2016, and a
protracted domestic electricity crisis. Of course, there were external economic
shocks due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russo-Ukraine war. Yet,
domestically, the regime was inefficient, and irresponsible in managing its
finances. The country was burdened with excessive borrowing and led to a
looming debt crisis.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana’s debt comprises
domestic dollar bonds, cocoa bills, pension funds and debt owed to the central
bank. Ghana has reached an agreement with banks to restructure 15 billion Ghana
cedi ($1.36 billion) of locally issued U.S. dollar bonds and cocoa bills<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
About 85 percent of eligible bondholders participated in this process. Ghana
wishes to reduce its external debt interest repayments by $10.5 billion over
the next three years under the IMF bailout secured in May this year.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana received its first
instalment of USD 600 million to be used to boost the country’s foreign
currency reserves, help stabilise its currency, and support the budget.
However, many believe that despite this IMF deal, Ghana is still not out of
trouble. The receipt of further loan instalments depends on how Ghana performs
in terms of external debt arrangements; socioeconomic reforms – austerity and
necessary trade-offs; and central bank reforms.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Governance and “Winner
takes all” approach<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana has deep structural
economic problems that require a multi-stakeholder approach to resolve.
Unfortunately, the entrenched pervasive system of governance of Ghana, like in
Lanka, based on ‘winner takes all’ approach distorted a broad national dialogue
on what has to be done and </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">how it needs to be done</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">. It must fix structural
problems, such as over-reliance on exports of physical and human commodities,
utilizing strategy of "export-led recovery." In addition, society,
particularly the privileged classes, needs to live within its means.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The country had virtually
no foreign reserves, so it did not have any means to pay in USD for its
imports. So, it's no wonder many Ghanaians have been nervously waiting for the
IMF bailout. As usual, to qualify for the IMF bailout, it had to undergo debt
restructuring with its creditors. Ghana is going through lengthy negotiations
with its creditors. Other leading agencies such as the World Bank have pledged
to help the country come out of this messy situation. Investors are expected to
return without fear of losing their money.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ghana’s IMF experience<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Given the country’s past
experience with the IMF, it is doubtful to what extent its latest cash infusion
will help solve Ghana's long-term economic problems. As mentioned earlier, the
most recent IMF assistance came in 2019. Like in Lanka, this need for regular
assistance is the result of wastage and mismanagement and an inability to
enlarge the economy for the benefit of all, by successive governments over many
years. If there is no system change, the question remains whether the situation
will get messy again. It could happen at the end of the three-year IMF bailout.
Given past loans and an inability to bring in transparency, the rule of law,
accountability and create an economy that benefits the majority of the
population, the country could expect another bailout in the near future. This
is a bleak scenario for Ghanaians who barely survive economically.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">To better understand what
this means for Lanka, let’s now look at what an IMF package contains for the
island.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Part 5<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The IMF program in Lanka
and its implications<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The IMF agreement with Sri
Lanka emphasises fiscal consolidation, which requires the government to achieve
a budget surplus within two years. It also conditions its funding on increases
in energy tariffs and flexible exchange rates that will likely lead to currency
devaluation and higher interest </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">rates. In addition, the </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">program projects
unrealistically high revenues without imposing wealth taxes or restricting
illicit financial flows.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Loan conditionality and
austerity measures are regressive in nature and have a disproportionate impact
on the most vulnerable members of society, and Sri Lanka is no exception. For
example, the elimination of fuel subsidies will make transport for people in
remote areas more costly, thereby reducing access to the services they receive.
Similarly, increases in electricity tariffs will lead to higher healthcare
costs, forcing those less well off to the <a name="_Hlk142747234">Hobbesian
choice </a>between food, electricity, medicine and education for their
children.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">A better public sector<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">The rationale
for a government to provide some services to the public is that profit-making
or profit-maximising will not deliver those services to all who need them at an
affordable price.</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">A fundamental difference between a government and a business is that a
government's goods and services will be available to everyone who should get
them. The wellbeing of an economy depends on certain resources being available
to everyone who requires those resources in the population, irrespective of
one’s ability to pay.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">The
efficiency of a government enterprise should not be assessed by whether it
makes profits or not. For example, a public utility provider such as one
delivering electricity, water or public transport can increase profits by
raising the price of the good or service it delivers. But the result is that
some people, usually the low-income consumers, will be deprived of their
necessities.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Slashing the public service and making
government smaller have been a repetitive mantra sold as a political panacea
for addressing many economic challenges. In practice the results have been
disastrous in numerous cases around the world. For example, in Australia, after
several rounds of slashing the Federal Public Service and an increasing
dependence on unaccountable, expensive private consultancies, the government
has recently been forced (much to its ideological chagrin) to take tentative
steps to reversing that trend. The reason is that instead of providing better
services at lower cost, privatisation of public services often delivers massive
profits for rich corporates while increasing overall costs to the government,
providing lower quality-higher cost services to the public, and fostering
political corruption.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">It is true that the public sector often fails to
meet basic service standards. What is needed then is to improve the quality of
the services and the efficiency with which those services are delivered by
undertaking investments in the sector that are needed to increase the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>skills, understanding, and capacity</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">for providing such services to the population</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Austerity and inequality<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Austerity as demanded by
the likes of the IMF will disadvantage the poor consumers, who already pay a
large and unsustainable amount of their household income towards essential
items, even further. The Governor of the Central Bank has rejected the
assertion that almost the entire burden of debt restructuring will be borne by
the working class. He states that it is a misrepresentation of reality<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[vii]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>.
However, the government is pushing ahead with the offensive by taking measures
such as privatising public assets and targeting superannuation funds of working
people. A hand-in-glove approach is used to provide more and more relief to the
corporate sector, such as debt reprieves, tax holidays, and flexible labour
laws. Finally, the government and IMF supported by their media outlets and
think tanks have launched a ruthless assault on any alternative financial and
fiscal routes.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">There are alternatives
which the next section explores, and which are being sidelined by supporters of
the IMF package.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">A non-austere path to
addressing the crisis<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">As the Italian theoretician
Antonio Gramsci remarked in the early part of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, when
Italy was enduring one of its periodic economic and industrial crises:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 12.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">“<i>The crisis creates
situations which are dangerous in the short run, since the various strata of
the population are not all capable of orienting themselves equally swiftly, or
of reorganizing with the same rhythm. The traditional ruling class, which has numerous
trained cadres, changes men and programmes and, with greater speed than is
achieved by subordinate classes, reabsorbs the control that was slipping from
its grasp. Perhaps it may make sacrifices and expose itself to an uncertain
future by demagogic promises; but it retains power, reinforces it for the time
being, and uses it to crush its adversary and disperse his leading cadres, who
cannot be very numerous or highly trained.</i>”<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><i><sup><span style="background: white;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[viii]</span></sup></b><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></i></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">IMF reforms focus on
deregulating the economy and privatising resources available in the economy.
For example, Sri Lanka has never been asked to industrialise by utilising its
own natural resources. So, the country became dependent on exporting commodities
of which prices vary, depending on global supply and demand based on the
vagaries of the corporate world.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Securing vital sectors of
economy<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The sectors of the economy
vital to Sri Lanka and its people are not secure. Like many developing
countries have done, Sri Lanka has also bypassed strengthening of its manufacturing
base. Instead, all those countries including Sri Lanka are relying on service
sectors, built on a foundation of an unstable, vulnerable and manipulated
economy based on speculation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For example, almost all
neo-liberal countries have secured food and energy sufficiency, while Sri Lanka
is still overly dependent on food and energy imports<a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[ix]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></sup></a>.
Ignoring the fact that Lanka can easily become self-reliant and secure in terms
of food, energy and water has led to an ever-increasing foreign exchange
deficit problem, forcing the country to borrow foreign exchange with no end in
sight.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Developing countries like
Sri Lanka are in structural dependency due to their external debt. Of course,
almost all countries in the world carry some form of debt. However, the cost of
borrowing depends on how economically advanced the country is. Developed
countries can borrow at a much lower interest rate, as such loans are
classified as “low” risk.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">International experience
with austerity<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">There is no historical
evidence that austerity measures have worked in getting countries out of a debt
crisis. Examples over many decades and spanning from Greece to Indonesia to
Egypt and Tunisia show that austerity does not work. Reducing the fiscal deficit
and servicing debt by squeezing the public sector have made the economic
recession and crisis more severe by exacerbating inequalities. The need to have
austerity measures in place has nothing to do with fixing a country’s long-term
structural issues but ensures that its debt repayments will be prioritised to
pay back international lenders and institutions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Instead of repeatedly
relying on measures that do not work and penalise the majority of the country’s
citizenry, other financial steps ought to be put in place in indebted countries
like Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka needs to assure the fiscal responsibility of the
government by enforcing the laws against corruption, mismanagement, and
wastage. In a country like Lanka, the ruling elite and its dependents eschew
such fiscal responsibility by violating all transparency and accountability
provisions. The country needs to find a fair economic pathway to live within
its means. One way forward for this could be the electorate to hold politicians
to account during election campaigns, by demanding them to provide concrete
funding plans for their campaign promises in</span><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">their election manifestos.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Fiscal transparency and
accountability<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The country needs to
develop an Integrated Financial Management System (IFMS), so as to ensure each
and every public transaction is fully captured allowing auditing agencies to
trace back if and when necessary. At the moment, nobody knows what happens with
the finances the government receives from lending institutions. This opaqueness
has paved the way for many opportunities for collusion, corruption and money
laundering. Limits should be placed on the government’s overall borrowing from
domestic and international capital markets. Another significant measure the
government can take is to reduce public expenditure. This will include cutting
down the size of the government, in particular the large and untenable security
apparatus.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The government needs to be
transparent in its dealings with the IMF. All information between the IMF and
the government needs to be fully disclosed to the populace, particularly the
indebtedness of all state and semi-state agencies. Any measure that is implemented
needs to be subjected to broader consultation within a wide national
stakeholder forum on the economy. This should include all key representative
groups including business and political entities, civil society, and trade
unions, among others. Such consultative forums will generate valuable and
innovative ideas for economic reforms. In turn, any reforms proposed would
thereby enjoy better societal support.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"><br clear="all" style="mso-special-character: line-break; page-break-before: always;" />
</span></b>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">Part 6<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Conclusive remarks<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">The IMF programme needs to be used to negotiate debt restructuring with
commercial and multilateral creditors. It would create space to spend on
priorities such as food and fuel. However, the country needs to urgently
reinstate its fiscal responsibility, with a prescribed annual cap on fiscal
deficits. A medium-term debt management plan<span lang="SI-LK"> </span>updated
for a certain period should be formulated and implemented with that cap
limiting the expansion of non-concessional loans.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Necessity of Inclusivity<span lang="SI-LK"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Stakeholders need to stop over-politicising economic issues, as populism
has deeply clouded effective decision-making. What we need is the development
of an inclusive, consensus-based and egalitarian approach towards a national
development framework. The country needs to aggressively diversify its open
economy, especially those that are mostly dependent on primary commodities,
primitive value-added products, exports of human resources and tourism.
Currently, the open economy is dependent on the export earners that are subject
to significant volatility due to price fluctuations and regional instabilities.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">A green and sustainable approach<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Sri Lanka has a great potential for greener and sustainable economic
development by utilizing its renewable energy sources and value-added
industrial clusters such as for minerals processing. However, IMF debt
restructuring, while not improving the country’s economic conditions, will only
prolong its indebtedness. Instead, policies need to be formulated and
implemented so as to ensure the population’s basic needs are met by
guaranteeing the safety of food, energy and water. Significant cuts to
unnecessary handouts and wastage in government and public service delivery will
be necessary. This can include cutting down the size of the government
including both the executive and legislature.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Performance evaluation<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Performance targets need to be established in key result areas such as
public finance, education, energy, health, and transport. Aggressive
restructuring of state-owned enterprises can be carried out without selling
them to the private sector. For example, hiring competent managers and firing
inefficient ones, providing subsidies to those most in need of assistance, and
trimming government expenditure by cutting down on excess political
appointments. Education, health and energy need to remain as state flagship
initiatives but be made efficient and result focused.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Alternatives and national dialogue<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">To come out of the current poly crisis, there are certain possibilities
that could be adopted as alternatives; for example, progressive taxation, open
governmental transactions, independent debt audits and prioritising social
protection. However, all of these should be underpinned by a national public
dialogue. This is about national social movements genuinely leading the
national public dialogue in a transparent manner, where the behaviour and
agenda of vested interest groups, both domestic and external, are curtailed.
This involves sitting down together with civil society organisations, trade
unions, government members, feminist collectives, human rights groups, NGOs,
and community development organisations.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Vital role of government<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">The government’s guiding role in the economic and social development of
a country is vital. As such, promoting a small government in developing
countries where public services are essential and in extreme demand is
misplaced. Instead of a bloated public service, there should be a service which
is a productive, effective and people oriented. In the long term, we need to
establish a skilled public service, where public servants bound by service
charters will treat the general public fairly, with respect and courtesy, while
catering towards satisfying people’s socio-economic needs. As demanded in many
developing countries, Sri Lanka needs to implement a rights-based approach
towards economic and social development.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Assured failure<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">The panaceas of neo-liberal economists do not eliminate periodic crises
but generate worst ones over time. In the short term those panaceas reduce
budgetary income received via tax receipts. However, businesses will demand
governments reduce taxes on profits and investment, while the public will
demand more services and provisions. Thus, such unplanned, competitive and
antagonistic production relations will allow the state coordinated long-term
regulative and growth strategies to fail.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Rights busting<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Neoliberalism has succeeded in union busting and restricting workers
from participating in political and institutional decision making. Throughout
the world, union memberships have fallen and continue to fall. Another factor
in this equation is the power within trade unions being moved away from
grassroot workers to a growing bureaucracy. This bureaucracy receives increased
privileges under a conservative form of leadership with its display of
political timidity as their main characteristic. Trade unions do not represent
politics of protest anymore.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Paralytic left<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Though the Left works in the belief that capitalism has been always
weak, decadent, and is in its final death throe, capitalism has survived under
many guises. Yet, if able to unite under a single banner, workers may have more
power than ever before. We are aware that capitalism is moving from one crisis
to another, but it has not broken down yet and has not lost its political
control. Moreover, the working class and the Left have not seen much of a
surge. Rather neoliberalism has strengthened, pretending to be the best
solution to the crisis generated by itself.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Diversity and exclusion<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Instead of working together, activists in Sri Lanka try to undermine
each other. Unfortunately, this is also a global experience. If everyone worked
together instead of undermining each other, the situation could have been made
better. Thus, people do not have any other choice to come out of this
poly-crisis, but to confront this catastrophe holistically. Instead of dwelling
solely on current issues, activists may need to focus on where it makes an
impact, honestly acknowledging the challenges society is faced with and working
towards long-term solutions for addressing the root causes of inequality and
injustice.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">A shared burden<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Therefore, it is imperative for us to unite and bring to power a
government with the political will and commitment that will share the burden of
debt restructuring with those who can bear that burden without destroying the
lives of people who are already at a disadvantage due to existing systemic
issues. It is the affluent and the elite that are the most astute at using
loopholes in the existing system to evade taxes. They then launder their
ill-gotten gains in offshore tax havens. They need to be compelled to pay their
fair share of tax. They also need to be held accountable for the lax in many
cases of criminal and corrupt activity they have partaken in for many a decade.
Everyone must keep in mind that the revenue and expenditure of a government are
the commonwealth of all the people, not of a select few. Fiscal and monetary
policy must be adapted accordingly.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">This article is not arguing for building a socialist economy or a
self-sufficient economy. However, it rejects the prevalent neoliberal model of
capitalist production that is accompanied by corruption, mismanagement, waste,
and lack of transparency and accountability and the sacrifice of national
interests and sovereignty to satisfy international financial interests.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Sri Lanka needs to pursue an economic development strategy that is
efficient, sustainable and equitable. The priority must be to produce in the
country, the maximum amount of its essential commodities, i.e., goods and
services necessary for the well-being of its inhabitants that can be
sustainably and efficiently produced, while also utilising global markets to
optimise the use of its resources to enhance overall national welfare.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Sri Lanka should avoid unsustainable imports and associated
international indebtedness that result in ‘boom and bust ‘ cycles while
undertaking appropriate investments and implementing appropriate policies to
harness and enhance the natural and human resources needed for the country’s
sustainable long-term development.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">The end<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 6.0pt;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">4 August 2023<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;"><!--[if !supportEndnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[i]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> International Monetary Fund March 2023,
IMF Country Report No. 23/116, Sri Lanka Annex 11. Public Debt Sustainability
Analysis, Pp 53-54, available at: </span></sup><a href="https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/2023/116/002.2023.issue-116-en.xml"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/2023/116/002.2023.issue-116-en.xml</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> <o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> Chile was the testing lab for the
neo-liberal model. The economists (Chicago Boys) asked Pinochet to withdraw
government involvement in all private sectors at once so as to bring back the
Chilean economy to equilibrium. This move backfired with inflation escalating
above 700 percent. These policies were so destructive, and difficult to
implement under a democracy. Mostly, this was done through military
dictatorships and state terror campaigns against any resistance emerging
anywhere against it. Aggressive deregulation of economy needed aggressive
regulation of the political sphere. Refer: </span></sup><a href="https://www.hoover.org/news/chiles-chicago-boys-and-latin-americas-other-market-reformers"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.hoover.org/news/chiles-chicago-boys-and-latin-americas-other-market-reformers</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> and </span></sup><a href="https://www.promarket.org/2021/09/12/chicago-boys-chile-friedman-neoliberalism/"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.promarket.org/2021/09/12/chicago-boys-chile-friedman-neoliberalism/</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> </span></sup><a href="https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2016/06/ostry.htm"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2016/06/ostry.htm</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref4" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iv]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"> <i>How does public debt affect the right to health: Case studies in
East and South Africa </i>at, </span></sup><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2023/05/how-does-public-debt-affect-the-right-to-health-case-studies-in-east-and-southern-africa/"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;">https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2023/05/how-does-public-debt-affect-the-right-to-health-case-studies-in-east-and-southern-africa/</span></a><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[v]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"> https://www.ohchr.org/en/treaty-bodies/cescr<o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vi]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Constantia",serif; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Aparajita;"> Kwadjo N June 2023, <b>Government, banks agree to restructure GHS
15bn of cocoa bills, local dollar bonds</b>,
https://www.businessworldghana.com/government-banks-agree-to-restructure-ghs-15bn-of-cocoa-bills-local-dollar-bonds/<o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref7" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vii]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> Discourse on Development (Devdiscourse)
7 July 2023, </span></sup><a href="https://www.devdiscourse.com/article/headlines/2515211-sri-lanka-central-bank-governor-dismisses-concerns-over-projected-losses-for-epf-due-to-domestic-debt-restructuring"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.devdiscourse.com/article/headlines/2515211-sri-lanka-central-bank-governor-dismisses-concerns-over-projected-losses-for-epf-due-to-domestic-debt-restructuring</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MSGENFONTSTYLENAMETEMPLATEROLEMSGENFONTSTYLENAMEBYROLEFOOTNOTE0" style="background: transparent; line-height: normal; margin-left: 7.1pt; tab-stops: 9.6pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref8" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">[viii]</span></sup><!--[endif]--></span></span></sup></a><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Antonio Gramsci, ‘State and Civil Society’, in Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey
Nowell Smith, eds., </span></sup><span class="MSGENFONTSTYLENAMETEMPLATEROLEMSGENFONTSTYLENAMEBYROLEFOOTNOTEMSGENFONTSTYLEMODIFERSIZE75"><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 7.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">Selections from the Prison
Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, </span></sup></span><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lawrence
& Wishart, London, 1971, pp. 210-11.</span></sup><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
</div>
<div id="edn9" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<p class="MsoEndnoteText" style="margin-left: 7.1pt; text-indent: -7.1pt;"><a href="file:///G:/All%20Data%20Files/Political/6.%20Sri%20Lanka/4.%20Economy/IMF/Final%20Draft/Published%20article/Full%20Articles/Debt%20restructuring,%20austerity%20and%20the%20IMF%20-%20A%20panacea%20or%20an%20exacerbation%204%20Aug%202023.docx#_ednref9" name="_edn9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ix]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"> For example, the Australia is demanding
the European Union to offer significantly more generous concessions to
Australian agricultural producers in order to ink a free trade agreement
between like-minded partners at a time of mounting geopolitical uncertainty.
Refer Australian Financial Review, 9 June 2023, </span></sup><a href="https://www.afr.com/policy/economy/trade-deal-unlikely-unless-eu-lets-in-australian-farmers-20230709-p5dmv7"><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;">https://www.afr.com/policy/economy/trade-deal-unlikely-unless-eu-lets-in-australian-farmers-20230709-p5dmv7</span></a><sup><span style="font-family: "Aparajita",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></sup></p>
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</div><br /><p></p>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-30442961438020325472023-03-16T03:48:00.002-07:002023-03-16T03:48:27.327-07:00Part One of my interview with Radio 3CR in Australia about the situation in Sri Lanka held on 10 March 2023<iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/UJyRUFyiHp0" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-80250963883138067262022-04-18T19:59:00.001-07:002022-04-18T19:59:40.983-07:00A General Knowledge Competition about Sri Lanka<iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/gF6RmNWQxFo" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-318453529136743952022-04-07T07:51:00.001-07:002022-04-07T07:51:39.808-07:00මගෙන් ඔබට ආයාචනයක්! 2022 අප්රේල් 8 වන දා<iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/aaJ8urhsAFQ" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-84299461469729301012021-11-24T03:49:00.001-08:002021-11-24T03:49:57.690-08:00Transitioning to Totally Organic Agriculture - 27 Nov 2021<iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/-tesF2lW1dQ" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-10765964721292577922021-10-05T15:38:00.000-07:002021-10-05T15:38:38.051-07:00Constitutional Making for Political Change - A Presentation made by Prof...<iframe style="background-image:url(https://i.ytimg.com/vi/iuS5ZgXOFKo/hqdefault.jpg)" width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/iuS5ZgXOFKo" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-53547728719574639442021-09-02T00:52:00.002-07:002021-09-02T00:52:30.618-07:00COVID Safe Behavior & COVID-19 Vaccination Program: Hosted By Sri Lanka ...<iframe style="background-image:url(https://i.ytimg.com/vi/MLTt9sFAcFQ/hqdefault.jpg)" width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/MLTt9sFAcFQ" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-88062327318777509642021-08-24T18:07:00.002-07:002021-08-24T18:07:34.060-07:00Webinar - Sri Lanka’s Battle Against the Covid-19 Pandemic - Saturday,...<iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/o2zIIiYF5_s" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-34851148015133439172021-08-20T22:58:00.000-07:002021-08-20T22:58:21.190-07:00Webinar Education Flyer Tri Lingual 21 August 2021<iframe frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/eBxZV50RpoM" style="background-image: url(https://i.ytimg.com/vi/eBxZV50RpoM/hqdefault.jpg);" width="480"></iframe><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dw7pyMN16oRiysFZBKR12NdSHfP9pWEOdFZHkKzslemaATsSFCaL2OauHt1KqzbPSR46GQnU5EOpkXeGDov5Q' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div><br />Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-44245188585210587782021-04-11T07:15:00.002-07:002021-04-11T07:15:33.555-07:00Voice for Democracy in Sri Lanka Presentation - Human Rights Experiences in Sri Lanka: Is There A Way Out? PRIME A+ Presentation - 25 March 2021<iframe style="background-image:url(https://i.ytimg.com/vi/eadFQKGLO5w/hqdefault.jpg)" width="480" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/eadFQKGLO5w" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-61275685085544939162021-01-29T16:03:00.008-08:002021-01-29T16:03:46.053-08:00Sri Lankan National Anthem Music with Sinhala/Tamil Lyrics: ONLY FOR NON...<iframe frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://youtube.com/embed/K5SAWLnvFG8" width="480"></iframe><div><div dir="auto" style="animation-name: none !important; background-color: white; color: #050505; font-family: "Segoe UI Historic", "Segoe UI", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; transition-property: none !important; white-space: pre-wrap;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Sri Lanka National Anthem</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">Music</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"> with Sinhala/Tamil Lyrics</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">ONLY FOR NON_COMMERCIAL USE and PLEASE USE APPROPRIATELY AND RESPECTFULLY</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">National Anthem is a country’s national song. To be truly national, it needs to represent the traditions, history, beliefs, struggles and hopes of all its peoples. While recalling to minds the beauty, heritage and natural bounties of the land, its lyrics and music should inspire in all ethnicities a sense of belonging and devotion to the country. Above all, it should evoke love, valour and unity for the foremost good of the country. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Sri Lanka’s National Anthem embodies our rich multicultural heritage and thus does not belong to one religious, cultural or linguistic group. If the Tamil speaking people wish to sing the National Anthem in their mother tongue on their own volition, it should be gracefully encouraged. </span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI", sans-serif;">Quibbling and carping on about it will only diminish us as a nation and further fracture </span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI", sans-serif;">our already fragile social fabric.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Most National Anthems are in the official or national language of the country. However, there are notable exceptions where countries with more than one official or national language, like South Africa and Canada, sing their National Anthems in a combination of languages.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Our National Anthem should transcend the barriers of race, language and religion, and engender a shared dream for all. So, let us sing with One Voice in the sole musical score, and not just in one language: </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Sri Lanka Matha!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">Sri Lanka Thaaye!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">-----------------------------------</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ශ්රී ලංකාවේ ජාතික ගීය</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">සිංහල/ දෙමළ පද රචනා සමඟ සංගීතය </span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">වාණිජමය නොවන කටයුතු සඳහා පමණක් වන අතර සුදුසු ආකාරයෙන් ගෞරවනීය ලෙස භාවිතා කරන්න.</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ජාතික ගීය</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">රටක ජාතික ගීතයක් වේ. සැබවින්ම ජාතික වීමට නම්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">එම ගීය සියලු ජනයාගේ සම්ප්රදායයන්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ඉතිහාසය</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">විශ්වාසයන්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">අරගල සහ බලාපොරොත්තු නියෝජනය කළ යුතුය. දේශයේ සුන්දරත්වය</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">උරුමය සහ ස්වාභාවික ත්යාගශීලිත්වය මතකයට නංවා ගන්නා අතර</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">එහි පද රචනය
හා සංගීතය සියලු ජනවර්ගයන් තුල රට වෙත හිමිකාරිත්වය හා ලැදියාව පිළිබඳ ප්රබෝධයක්
ඇති කළ යුතුය. සියල්ලටම වඩා</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">එය රටේ අග්රගණ්ය යහපත වෙනුවෙන් සෙනෙහස</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">නිර්භීතකම සහ එකමුතුකම පුබුදුවා ලිය යුතුය.</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ශ්රී ලංකාවේ ජාතික ගීය අපගේ ඉසුරුමත් බහු සංස්කෘතික දායාදය මූර්තිමත් කරන අතර ඒ නිසාවෙන්ම එක් ආගමික</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">සංස්කෘතික හෝ භාෂාමය කණ්ඩායමකට අයත් නොවේ. දෙමළ බස කතා කරන ජනයා තම වුවමනාවෙන්ම ඔවුන්ගේ මව් බසින් ජාතික ගීය ගායනා කිරීමට අදහස් කරන්නේ නම්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">එය අනුග්රහය දක්වමින් දිරිමත් කළ යුතුය. </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI", sans-serif;">ඒ ගැන තර්ක විතර්ක කිරීම හා දොස් සෙවීම ජාතියක් වශයෙන් අපව පරිහානියට ලක් කරනවා පමණක් නොව</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI", sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI", sans-serif;">දැනටමත් බිඳෙන සුළු අපේ සමාජ නිර්මිතය තවදුරටත් බිඳ දමනවා ඇත.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ජාතික ගී බොහොමයක් ම පවතින්නේ රටේ නිල හෝ ජාතික භාෂාවෙනි. කෙසේ වෙතත්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">සැලකිය යුතු ව්යතිරේකයන් පවතී. එනම් දකුණු අප්රිකාව සහ කැනඩාව වැනි රාජ්ය හෝ ජාතික භාෂා
එකකට වඩා වැඩියෙන් පවතින රටවල ජාතික ගීත භාෂා සංකලනයකින් ගායනා කිරීමයි. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">අපගේ ජාතික ගීය ජාතිය</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">භාෂාව සහ ආගම යන සීමාවන් ඉක්මවා යා යුතු අතර සැමටම පොදු වන අන්දමේ සිහිනයක් ජනිත කළ යුතුය. එබැවින්</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">එක භාෂාවකිිිින් පමණක් නොව එකම සංගීත ස්වර මාලාවෙන් යුතුව එකම හඬකින් අපි ගායනා කරමු:</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ශ්රී ලංකා මාතා!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: SI-LK;">ශ්රී ලංකා තායේ!</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">------------------------------------<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஶ்ரீலங்கா தேசியகீதம் </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">தேசிய கீதம் என்பது ஒரு நாட்டின். தேசிய பாடல் ஆகும். அது உண்மையிலே ‘தேசிய’ கீதமாக இருக்கவேண்டுமாயின் நாட்டின் அனைத்து மக்களினங்களினதும் பாரம்பரியம்</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">,
</span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">வரலாறு</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">நம்பிக்கை</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">போராட்டம் மற்றும் எதிர்பார்ப்புகளைப் பிரதிபலிப்பதாய் இருத்தல் அவசியம். அவ்வாறே</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஒரு தேசியகீதத்தின் வரிகளும் இசையும் நாட்டின் எழில்</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">மாட்சிமை மற்றும் இயற்கை வளங்களை எண்ணிப் பெருமை கொள்ள வைப்பதுடன்</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">அனைத்து இனத்தவரிடையே நாட்டுப்பற்றையும் பக்தியையும் தோற்றுவிக்க வல்லதாய் அமைய வேண்டும். எல்லாவற்றிக்கும் மேலாக அது நாட்டின் நன்மை நிமித்தம் மக்களிடையே அன்பு வீரம் மற்றும் ஒற்றுமையை ஊக்குவிக்க வேண்டும்.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">இலங்கையின் தேசியகீதம் நமது நாட்டின் உயர்ந்த பல்கலாச்சார பாரம்பரியத்தை உள்ளடக்கி இருக்கிறது. அது ஒரு தனிப்பட்ட மத</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">கலாச்சார</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">மொழி சார்ந்தவர்க்கு மட்டும் உரியதல்ல. தமிழ்ப் பேசும் மக்கள் தம் தாய்மொழியில் அதனைப் பாட தாமாகவே விரும்பினால் அது மகிழ்வுடன் ஊக்குவிக்கப்படல் வேண்டும். எதிர்ப்பதும் முணுமுணுப்பதும் எம்மை ஒரு தேசமாகக் குறைபடச் செய்வது மட்டுமன்றி</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஏற்கனவே தொய்ந்திருக்கும் எமது சமூகக் கட்டுக்கோப்பை மேலும் பிளவுபடுத்தவே வழி
செய்யும். </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">பொதுவாக தேசியகீதங்கள் ஒரு நாட்டின் தேசிய மொழியிலோ அல்லது ஆட்சி மொழியிலோ இருக்கும். ஆயினும் விதிவிலக்காக</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஒன்றுக்கு மேற்பட்ட தேசியமொழியோ ஆட்சி மொழியோ இருக்கும் தென் ஆபிரிக்கா</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">கனடா போன்ற நாடுகளில் தேசியகீதம் அந்நாட்டு மொழிகளிலே கலந்து பாடப்படுகிறது. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">நமது தேசியகீதம் இன</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">மொழி மற்றும் மதங்களைத் தாண்டி அனைவருக்குமே பொதுவானதோர் கனவைத் தோற்றுவிக்க வேண்டும். எனவே ஒரே குரலில்</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஒரே இசையில்</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஒரு மொழியில் மட்டுமன்றி</span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">, </span><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">எல்லோரும் இசைந்து பாடுவோம்: </span><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஸ்ரீ லங்கா மாதா! </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="TA" style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif; mso-bidi-language: TA;">ஸ்ரீ லங்கா தாயே!</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Nirmala UI",sans-serif;">4 February 2021</span></p></div></div>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-71109584268099549732020-10-21T00:15:00.000-07:002020-10-21T00:15:07.769-07:00Defend Democracy in Sri Lanka - Global Rally 21 Oct 20<iframe style="background-image:url(https://i.ytimg.com/vi/N42efcBlaBc/hqdefault.jpg)" width="480" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/N42efcBlaBc" frameborder="0"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-35627846187322285002020-07-24T08:10:00.001-07:002020-07-24T08:10:28.436-07:00ශ්රී ලංකාවේ ඡන්ද දායකයන් වෙත ආයාචනයක් 21 ජූලි 2020 - ආචාර්ය ලයනල් බෝපගේ...<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="344" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/CutPI-QcZME" width="459"></iframe>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-31601515086785430462019-02-13T18:20:00.003-08:002019-02-13T18:20:57.082-08:00The JVP campaign among the Tamils, 1977-1982<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
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<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The First Major JVP Meeting held in Chunnakam Attacked</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow", sans-serif;">The
JVP campaign among the Tamils, 1977-1982</span></b></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: right;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Lionel
Bopage</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Introduction</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">During the last four decades Sri Lanka
has witnessed three major insurrections mainly by its youth. Since the 1970s,
younger generations of Sinhalese and Tamils from similar socio-economic
backgrounds have revolted against the erosion of their democratic rights. These
insurrections reflected the diverse, but significant and unfulfilled
aspirations of the Sinhala and Tamil youth. Both the militant movements in the
south including the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the militant movements
in the north including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been
the products of the failures of economic and political development of Sri Lanka
(Samaranayake 2008).</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
post-colonial Sri Lankan state hardly considered it significant to protect the
dignity and security of its socially marginalised and disadvantaged groups.
Peaceful demands for social equity, justice, security and dignity were
continuously disregarded and/or violently suppressed by the state. Whenever new
social groups challenged the authority of state power, the establishment used
repressive and violent force. The indignity and insecurity caused by the
attacks on the physical and psychological integrity of disadvantaged individuals
and communities motivated them to take up arms on behalf of their communities.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Sinhala,
Tamil and Muslim communities in Sri
Lanka have had their own positivist
interpretations of their origins. A sizable majority of Sinhalese believe their
race is of Aryan stock dating back to the fifth century B.C. Many Sinhalese
take an ideological position that combine Sinhalaness with Buddhism and see
themselves as custodians of the land. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
Tamils, including Malaiyaha Tamils<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[1]</span></sup></span></sup></a>,
are of Dravidian origin. Non-Malaiyaha Tamils<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><sup><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><sup><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[2]</span></sup></span></sup></a>
claim that they were part of the island’s original inhabitants, a claim
strongly disputed by the Sinhalese. The identity of Malaiyaha Tamils is shaped
by their social, economic, political and cultural lives centered primarily on
plantations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
Muslim people (Moors) trace their ancestry to Arab traders who settled in Sri Lanka
some time between the eighth and fifteenth centuries. Moors today use Tamil,
with words loaned from Arabic, as their primary language. Those in the south
also widely use Sinhala. During the colonial period of the Portuguese, when
they were persecuted, many of them fled to the Central Highlands. Their
cultural identity is strongly defined by Islam, their religion.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
origins of the current conflict in Sri Lanka can be traced back to
colonialism. The island’s post- colonial political establishment did not arise
as a result of a coherent anti-colonial struggle that unified its people.
Sinhala Buddhists and Tamil Hindus had aspirations to become free from
colonialism. In the same process, Tamils had an additional expectation of
protecting themselves from majority domination or assimilation. Nevertheless,
the neo-colonial establishment carried forward the policies and practices to
promote Sinhala majoritarian rule within a unitary constitutional framework.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">This
situation contributed to the incremental isolation of the communities from
interacting with each other, exacerbated by the divisive policies of the elite.
<strong><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Behind this process of isolation one could witness
strategies for the further plundering of the island’s resources. Also one may
witness the continuous march towards authoritarianism, in which people’s hopes,
aspirations, human rights and civil liberties have been increasingly dashed</span></strong>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Birth of
militant movements</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The post-colonial socio-economic and
political developments generated new social forces, whose expectations remained
unfulfilled. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">These
new social forces adopted radical practices and tendencies against the existing
political establishment. In the south, activities of these groups generally
materialised in the form of class mobilisations. The attempts in the north and the
east, however, took the form of nationalist aspirations. These origins reflect
the dual character and outlook of the militant youth movements that later came
into being.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The JVP militancy predominantly
represented the aspirations of the rural young lower-middle class Sinhala
Buddhist constituency (Samaranayake 2008). Similarly the Tamil militancy
represented the aspirations of the rural young lower-middle class Tamils from
Hindu and Christian religious backgrounds. The state repressed both these
movements using brutal force. Both fought back uncompromisingly and at times
simultaneously, but independently of each other, against the establishment and
the presence of foreign forces. As militancy became manifested in the island,
the responses of the state and the militants caused an extension of this
radicalisation and alienation within and among the communities.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif;">Malaiyaha youth did not enter the
process of militant radicalisation, because of their lack of social and
political consciousness. Yet, with increasing awareness among the young
generation of <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Malaiyaha </span>Tamils,
the coming decades will become critical: as pointed out by Bass (2001), ‘the
growing number of over-educated and under-employed <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Malaiyaha </span>Tamil youths may turn to militant protests and
violence, as the JVP and LTTE did before them’. </span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif;">In the 1980s, some Muslim youth
also joined hands with Tamil militants. However, significant differences surfaced
between them when Muslims opposed the merger of the North and East under the
1987 Indo-Lanka Accord (Guruge 2006). Later on, as the Tamil militancy also
turned against the Muslims, some groups allegedly sided with the government,
leading to massacres and eviction of Muslims (Ameerdeen 2006).<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Lack of appropriate political and economic
development and inequitable distribution of economic and social benefits paved
the way for the radicalization of the youth. The universal franchise and the
lowering of the voting age allowed young people to take part in active
electoral politics. Free education was introduced in 1945, and the medium of
instruction was changed to local languages, which expanded higher educational
opportunities. This was seen as a welcome relief to the rural youth – to their
increasing unemployment, and a palliative to their high unemployment. However,
these opportunities were marred by the disadvantages created by the general
lack of university placements and employment opportunities caused by the
discriminative practices of the elite.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">This
led to extreme discontent amongst the youth, who started questioning the
existing socio, political and ideological status quo. Successive post-colonial
governments regardless of their political hue, have been ignorant of the
underlying socio-political, economic and psychological causes of this
militancy. The more repressive the state apparatus became, the more militant
the youth became.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Many analysts portray ethnicity as
the central theme of the current conflict</span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[4]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, yet politics is at its root cause.
Political leaderships of all ethnicities have opportunistically used ethnicity
as a bandwagon to establish, preserve and enhance their political, economic and
social power, and to distract people from the domestic policy and program
failures, thus building barriers to social and political interaction, and
planting mistrust between diverse communities. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The social base
of the JVP</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
social base of the JVP mainly comprised of rural Sinhala Buddhist youth,
semi-proletarian to lower middle class in nature. Prior to the insurrection in
1971, the understanding the political leadership of the JVP had about the
problems of the Tamils and other non-Sinhala communities was minimal. Moreover,
the attempts of the JVP to carry out political activities among the Tamils were
extremely limited.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Many leaders<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a> of the
JVP including its founder, the late comrade Rohana Wijeweera were originally
from the Communist Party of Ceylon - Peking Wing (CPC-P). The leader of CPC-P,
the late comrade N Shanmugathasan, was a Tamil
by ethnicity. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">By the end of 1964, Rohana became a
full-time cadre of the CPC-P, but gradually joined the dissenters within the
party, who were dissatisfied with the leadership. He</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"> was
expelled from the party</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
in late 1966</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Rumours abounded that Rohana had left the CPC-P
because its leader was a Tamil. This was not the case.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">In 1960s, some on the left took the position that
the vanguard of the socialist revolution in Sri Lanka lay with the Malaiyaha
Tamils. The JVP disagreed with this position and argued that the international
experience has shown that if the leading role of a revolution were based on a
minority community, the ruling elite has used racism and communalism to
undermine and prevent it from succeeding. In a country where more than 80
percent of the population was rural, more than 90 percent of the country’s poor
comprised of the rural poor, and urban workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Therefore, the vanguard of the Sri Lankan revolution would be the urban
working class allied with the rural peasantry.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Indian Expansionism, one of the
controversial political classes of the JVP, touched upon anti-Malaiyaha
sentiments, at times, particularly, when Malaiyaha workers were compared with
Sinhala chena workers. Malaiyaha workers were also considered allied to India not Sri Lanka.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Most of the Sinhala youth who joined the
movement did not have any social linkages to Tamils. The Engineering Faculty of
the University of Peradeniya, where the student population was ethnically and
culturally more diverse, provided one of the avenues for the JVP to reach
towards Tamil students. However, the social aspirations and the needs of many
of the students of the Science, Engineering and Medical faculties were
different from those of the students of the Arts Faculty.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The leaders of the JVP, who were held behind bars after the 1971
insurrection, made use of the opportunity to reflect back on their Maoist
political roots, and to study the national question in Sri Lanka and the related Marxist
policy position. The Tamil youth led peaceful protests against the new
Constitution of the island adopted in 1972. The blatant repressive measures
adopted by the then government against these youth provided an enlightening
environment regarding the issues affecting the Tamils.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The prisons in <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Hammond Hill</span>, <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Jaffna</span><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">, and
Kandy </span>where
Sinhala and Tamil youth had long been held in detention provided an opportunity
for low level exchange of political ideas. Nationalism had started
crystallizing in a major way among the Sinhalese in the early fifties and for
the Tamils in the early seventies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The policy declaration of the JVP had been finalised by the early
seventies. Its political program recognised the significance of carrying out
political activities among the Tamil and Muslim communities, particularly,
living in the north, the east, and the central
provinces of the island. When the emergency rule was
withdrawn in the mid-seventies, the JVP re-commenced its public political
activities. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">By this time, the JVP had already developed contacts with several
Tamil comrades in the north, the east, and the plantations. Some of the JVPers
had the opportunity to work in areas where Tamils and Muslims predominated, or
in work places where they could develop initial contacts with them in Colombo and elsewhere.
Also there were several contacts developed between the JVP and Tamil activists,
particularly, comrade Rohana when both groups were detained in the prisons in Jaffna and Hammonds Hill.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The first central committee meeting of the JVP that was held in November
1977 allocated the responsibility and accountability of carrying out political
work among the non-Sinhala communities to its politbureau. The first feeble JVP
networks among the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese in the north, in the east and
in the plantations were established by the end of 1977 itself. In the north the
first political cells were established in Chunnakam and Kilinochchi in the
areas where traditional left previously had some hold. Within the next year the
network extended to many areas in the north<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a>.
The JVP activities did not progress much in the east, except in the areas where
Muslims were predominant<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a>.
In the hill country, the JVP established small groups in Kandy, Matale and
Nuwaraeliya districts and there were party cells established in Nuwara-eliya,
Talawakele and Hatton. Furthermore, there were strong political alliances
established with the plantation workers trade unions<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[8]</span></span></span></span></a>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Working among the Tamils and Muslims provided the JVP with the
best opportunity to understand the real-life problems and issues the Tamil and
Muslim people faced in the island. On the one hand, the ordinary people of
these communities had socio-economic and cultural problems very much similar to
the problems faced by the majority Sinhalese. On the other hand, because of
their linguistic and cultural background and circumstances, they had to face
specific problems that the Sinhalese did not have to face.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Most of the resources were spent in certain areas where the social
elite were resident, but the ordinary people in the villages were suffering
from the worst kind of social and economic issues. These people lacked even the
basic day to day needs to survive. They lacked land to work on, water for
irrigation, and basic educational and health facilities. The JVP experienced
these problems </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">among the people irrespective of whether they were
Muslim, Tamil or Sinhala.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
people who spoke only Sinhala or Tamil were treated with repugnance. If people
wore their rural attire, sarong or vetti, they were looked down upon. In the
south to look for employment, people had to go after politicians to get a
‘chit’ addressed to a bureaucrat. However, in the north and parts of the east,
the situation was different, because the MPs of these areas were <span style="color: black;">not in the government, thus making the employment
opportunities of many educated Tamil youth even more precarious. When Tamil or
Muslim people whose mother tongue was Tamil, and who could only communicate in
Tamil, corresponded with government departments in Tamil, they received
responses in Sinhala only. To find a translator, they had to go to the closest
city, adding to their misery and resentment.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Muslim people, especially in villages like Kaththankudy, had to
face issues relating to lack of housing facilities, lack of land for paddy cultivation,
and finding dowries to give their women folk in marriage. Most of the members
of these families lived in small one or two roomed huts they shared for
everything. In Colombo,
Sinhalese and Muslim families who lived in slums, the situation was just as bad
or even worse. Many male members of these families had to go to sleep in shifts
due to lack of room to sleep. Many were compelled to engage in minor criminal
activities to eke out a living.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">When the JVP approached the Tamil youth in the north<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[9]</span></span></span></span></a>,
already most of them had gravitated towards nationalist political positions. By
this time, Tamil youth had commenced associating with diverse Tamil militant
groups. Communications between these youth and the JVP, both in public and in
private, led to heated debates. It was clear that many young Tamil activists
had committed themselves to the nationalist struggle rather than class
struggle.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">For many of the JVPers from rural Sinhala background who came to
the north and east for political activities could not see much difference
between the issues facing rural Sinhalese and Tamils. Yet it was difficult for
them to identify with the issues the Tamil people were facing due to their
cultural and linguistic background. They did not understand the language,
tradition, customs and behaviors of the Tamil people. One of the distinguishing
characteristics of the life in the north was the feudal remnants in the Tamil
society such as caste, religion and social interaction, which was more
noticeable than in the south.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Yet the Tamil youth in the north were industrious and productive;
parents were keen to educate their children to find good employment that would
allow them upward social mobility. Similar to the people in rural Sinhala
south, the rural Tamil people in the north and east were hospitable, welcoming
and open to communication. However, as time passed, the JVP also felt that
there was a change in the political mood among the youth as the armed forces of
the state, which were considered alien to Tamils, were present in many
locations in the peninsula.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">There were a few Tamil JVP activists in Alaveddy, Mallakam,
Thirunelvely and Valvetithurai areas. They encountered verbal threats demanding
them to stop their political activities. Which organisations carried out such
threats against the JVP activities were not clear. This was because there were
many militant organisations blooming at the time. In some areas like
Velvetithurai and Thirunelvely such threats also emanated from those who
supported the CPC-P. In other areas these threats were assumed to be from the
militant nationalist groups.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">For example, two major public events held in Jaffna in the early eighties by the JVP were
attacked. A chair was thrown at the stage when ‘Songs of Liberation’
performance was held at the public auditorium in Jaffna. Again, stones were thrown at the
public meeting when Rohana was speaking, thus injuring his forehead. Later on,
the JVP activists in the north told us that both these incidents were reactions
of the Maoist groups to protest against the growing popularity of the JVP in
the north and to frighten Tamil people from joining it. In the early eighties
when a Tamil comrade called Navaratnam was threatened by a militant
organization, and the house of one of his relations was occupied by the militants,
the JVP took measures to bring this comrade down to Colombo to stay in the party office for a
while.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">On the other hand, there were pressures building up in the early
eighties from two sources within the JVP. One was from the Tamil comrades based
in Kilinochchi and Visvamadu area who demanded that the JVP should specifically
campaign for the rights of Tamil people without mixing up the issue of Tamil
rights with the socio-economic issues affecting other people in the island. The
JVP rejected this idea as it believed that all these issues arose as a result
of the capitalist economic base and the elites’ astute policies of divide and
rule. While raising the issues affecting all the working people in the island,
the JVP also raised the issues that were related to the problems of the Tamil
people.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The other pressure point was from comrades of the student wing of
the JVP in the university campuses, particularly, some who were at the
Katubedde campus. They wanted the JVP to completely drop any public discussions
on issues affecting the Tamil people. The JVP rejected this idea also on the
grounds similar to the ones raised previously. We also argued that Sinhala
people should become aware of the issues the Tamil people in the north and east
were facing. As there was a necessity to thrash out this issue in public, and
to clarify matters to the cadres, a public lecture was held in the latter part
of 1981, at the Sugathadasa Stadium in Colombo.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">As one of the instigators of the policy, I addressed a packed
crowd at the Sugathadasa Stadium. I clearly explained the JVP policy position
that the JVP accepted the right to self-determination of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
However, the JVP did not advocate separation as a solution to their problems;
rather it advocated a united Sri
Lanka with regional autonomy, where all
residents could live as equals. At the questions and answers session, I had to
respond to many questions.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[10]</span></span></span></span></a> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">During
the presidential election campaign, the JVP was able to hold successful public
rallies in many places in the north and east. Yet, the number of people who
voted for the JVP in the north and east were small, but not disappointing. Many
JVP leaders, who had higher expectations, were not happy with the island wide
election outcome and the number of votes the party received in the north and
east. This poor election showing was interpreted to state that the Sinhala
electorate did not like the JVP advocating the right to self-determination of
Tamils. While this may have had some impact, it was not the major factor that
led to this situation. In the Presidential election of 1982, the majority of
the people were aware that only a candidate of the UNP or the SLFP would win.
So, most of the symapthisers of other parties also became polarised between the
UNP and the SLFP. </span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif;">The JVP as a whole represented
Marxist and Sinhala nationalist tendencies. The nationalistic element rested
with the historic glory of the past Sinhala Kingdoms. The current JVP has shed
all its Marxist tendencies and become purely nationalistic. It wants to achieve
a unitary Sinhala state by defending their ‘motherland’. Thus, the Sinhala
Buddhist cultural identity can be made to flourish while western cultural
decadence and the influences of other cultures on Sinhalese could be negated.
Their so-called idea of socialism has been subsumed by its commitment to
safeguard this unitary state, which is ironically a colonial construct.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Conclusion</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Between 1977 and 1982, the JVP made a
genuine attempt to forge links between the Sinhala and Tamil youth. This was
not successful due to the different historical and nationalist trajectories of
these groups, their social base, and some of the opportunistic policies that
the JVP espoused, particularly since late 1982. Both the Sinhala and Tamil
youth </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">movements
expressed their dissatisfaction with the state and their desire for change
through political violence. Both the JVP and the LTTE adhered to a mixed
ideology of socialism and nationalism. The state was their common enemy;
however, succumbing to their nationalistic politics of the glories of their
respective feudal past, they saw each other as enemies not allies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
JVP was able to successfully mobilize the southern youth, but it was
adventurist and committed strategic and tactical errors. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">After the failed 1971 insurrection, the leadership of the JVP made use
of the opportunity to reflect on its political theory and practice. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Implementation of the new constitution for Sri Lanka in 1972 and the protests
of Tamil youth against it also informed these reflections. After the release of
its leaders in 1977, the JVP decided to pursue political activities among all
communities in the island</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In the seventies and early eighties,
the JVP was supportive of the right to self determination of Tamil people, and
recognised Sinhala, Tamil and English as national languages of the land. The
political interaction of the JVP occurred when many Tamil youth were hardening
their nationalist positions because of the repressive policies of the state.
Despite threats from some Tamil militants, the JVP persisted in its political
activities in the North and the East until 1982. However, the poor showing of
the JVP in the Presidential elections of 1982 led to a revision: some
ideologues claimed that the party’s advocacy of the Tamil people’s right to
self determination was one reason for this failure.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">From that moment, the JVP moved from a
socialist party to a chauvinistic one. The political opportunism of its
leadership was a critical factor in this shift. They revived the slogan “Indian
expansionism” which had featured in the JVP program before 1972. The JVP’s
social base mainly comprised of rural, semi- proletarian and petit bourgeois
Buddhist Sinhala youth; The neo-colonial political and economic developments in
the country were not conducive to building interaction between the Sinhala and
Tamil youth; and the interaction of most of the JVP’s membership with Tamils
was minimal, so that empathy towards the issues facing the Tamil people was
also minimal.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Nevertheless, the muted examples of
political dialogue during the late ‘70s and early ’80s indicate that dialogue
is feasible among restive political elements on opposite sides of the fence. In
the present situation such dialogue has become essential to ensure that the
aspirations of the marginalised are fulfilled. However, this requires a
paradigm shift in the attitudes and thinking of all the people residing in the
island as well as the Sinhala and Tamil expatriate communities. The Diaspora
now has the opportunity to become active drivers of this paradigm shift by
changing their role as advocates of political violence to one of constructively
creating this reality through their interactions with each other.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">References:</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Ameerdeen V. 2006, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ethnic
Politics of Muslims in Sri Lanka</i>,
Kribs Printers, Colombo</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bass D. 2001, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Landscapes Of
Malaiyaha Tamil Identity</i>, Marga Institute, Colombo</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bopage
L 1977, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black;">A
Marxist Analysis of the National Question</span></i>, Niyamuwa Publications,
JVP, Colombo<span style="color: black;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Guruge
L. 2006, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black;">Sri Lanka</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black;">’s Ethnic Problem
and Solutions</span></i>, Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo<span style="color: black;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">JVP
1978, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black;">Policy
Declaration of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna</span></i>, Ginipupura
Publications, London<span style="color: black;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Samaranayake G 1997, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Political
violence in Sri Lanka: A diagnostic approach</i>, Terrorism and Political
Violence, Vol. 9, No. 4, pp. 99 — 119</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Arial Narrow",sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt;">Samaranayake S V D G 2008, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Political
violence in Sri Lanka 1971-1987</i>, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi</span></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> The
so-called Indian or Estate Tamils, workers of Indian origin speaking Tamil </span>who
were<span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> brought by the British to
work in their plantations in 1840s.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> The
so-called Jaffna or Ceylon Tamils</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[3]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;">
Muslims saw the percentage of Muslim population would drop after the merger
from nearly 35 per cent in the East to about 17 per cent in a combined North
and East.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[4]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;">
Ethnic conflict may occur between aggregations of people that share a
collective view of themselves as being distinctively different from other
aggregations of people because of their shared inherent characteristics such as
their race, religion, language, cultural heritage, clan, or tribal affiliation.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[5]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> Included
Sanath Boralukatiya, S V A Piyatilaka, W T Karunaratne, H B Premapala and D P
Wimalagune, Wattala Milton, W D N Jayasinghe (Loku Athula) and others.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[6]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> Among
these areas were KKS, Tellippalai, Udippiddi, Nellaidi, Chavakachcheri, Point
Pedro, Manippai, Mulliawalai, Visvamadu, Iranamadu, Paranthan, Pungudutheevu,
Nainatheevu, Eluvatheevu, Velanai, Karaveddi and Mallakam.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[7]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> </span><span style="mso-font-width: 110%;">In Trincomalee, Ampara, Kalawanchikudi, and
Batticaloa also there were small groups of Tamils and Muslims supporting the
JVP<span style="color: black;"></span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[8]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;">
Particularly, </span><span style="mso-font-width: 110%;">of comrade Illancheliyan
and Kandurata Tharuna Peramuna (Up-country Youth Front) led by comrade V L
Pereira<span style="color: black;"></span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[9]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> </span><span style="mso-font-width: 110%;">Many private and public discussions and talks,
classes, and rallies were held at houses, libraries, or parks.<span style="color: black;"></span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="margin-top: 2.0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6016720849838725699#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-AU; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-font-width: 110%;">[10]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; mso-font-width: 110%;"> One
of the persistent questioners was the current Dr Dayan Jayatilleke, His
Excellency the Ambassador of the Government of Sri Lanka in Geneva. He was then a simple “comrade Dayan
Jayatilleke”. I still remember his main line of questioning because, even after
the public lecture, he accompanied me up to the then head office of the JVP at
Armour Street, consistently arguing that the JVP should recognise Eelam as the
only solution to the problems the Tamil people were faced with. Later he joined
the EPRLF (one of the Tamil militant organisations) and became one of the
ministers of the Eastern Provincial Council, the Chief Minister of which
declared Eelam, when the Indian Peace Keeping Forces were present in the
island. I still continue with the same political views I had during those days
regarding the national question, but I cannot say the same about Dr
Jayatilleke.</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-74478547670989702882019-02-10T15:47:00.000-08:002019-02-10T16:13:48.811-08:00<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMjHz6myrsa-VX0Cso8s5IyrYkaFmlsMxjH6149PG-qTn0rb3yej2Kzxp0bacsYxm2_HvInV3Ub00xDAB_7BVck_Qs6P-ITHjydS8GgHscfBo7cGwOysknnUwyq4XJzoaLDR_d-yi56OHe/s1600/JVP+1979.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="266" data-original-width="450" height="377" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMjHz6myrsa-VX0Cso8s5IyrYkaFmlsMxjH6149PG-qTn0rb3yej2Kzxp0bacsYxm2_HvInV3Ub00xDAB_7BVck_Qs6P-ITHjydS8GgHscfBo7cGwOysknnUwyq4XJzoaLDR_d-yi56OHe/s640/JVP+1979.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වෙමින් </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">1984 පෙබරවාරි මස මා </span>පක්ෂයට භාර දුන් ලිපිය</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"></span></b></span></h4>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footer"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="envelope address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
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<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
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mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
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mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
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mso-para-margin-bottom:10.0pt;
mso-para-margin-left:0cm;
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font-size:11.0pt;
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mso-ansi-language:EN-US;
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පක්ෂයේ
දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලය, මධ්යම කමිටුව හා සාමාජිකත්වය වෙත සහෝදරත්වයෙනි</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මෙම
ලිපිය ලිවීමට මා අදහස් කොට සිටියේ දැනට වසරකට පමණ පෙර දී යයි පැවසුවොත් එය වඩා නිවැරදියයි
සිතමි. එතරම් දේශපාලන කම්පනයකට මා ලක් වී සිටියත්, එසේම මෙතෙක් අප කළ දේශපාලනයේ කෙතරම්
උපක්රමික හා උපාය මාර්ගික වැරදී හා අඩුපාඩුකම් අන්තර්ගත වුවත් එම දේශපාලනයේ සාපේක්ෂ
නිවැරදිභාවය සහ එනිසාම එහි විප්ලවීය ගරුත්වය ධනපති පංතිය ඉදිරියේ ආරක්ෂා කිරීම මගේ
පරම විප්ලවීය යුතුකමක් ලෙස සළකා ක්රියා කල බවත්, ක්රියා කරන බවත් පළමුවෙන්ම ප්රකාශකල
යුතුය. මා අත් අඩංගුවට ගෙන රඳවා සිටි කාල පරිච්</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඡේ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">දය
තුලදී මෙවැන්නක් ලිවීමෙන් හා ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමෙන් මා වැළැක්වූයේ මෙවැන්නක් ලිවීමෙන් පසු
එය පාලක<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>පංතිය සතු වුවහොත් ඔවුන් ලැබිය හැකි
වාසි හා ඵල ප්රයෝජනත්, එයින් ඇතිවන හානිය ගැන මගේ ඇති සැලකිල්ලත් විසිනි. තහනමක්
නොමැතිව යළිත් පක්ෂය ක්රියාකාරී තත්වයකට පත්කිරීම සඳහා මගෙන් ඉටුවිය යුතු හා ඉටුකල
හැකි වැඩ කොටස ඉටු කිරීමෙන් පසු මෙය ලියා ඉදිරිපත් කල යුතුයයි මම කල්පනා කලෙමි. එහෙත්
පක්ෂයේ දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලය මෙම වැඩ කොටසට අමතරව වෙනත් දේශපාලන කටයුතු වලට මා මැදහත් කරවන
බැවින් ද, පක්ෂය තුල මවිසින් මහත් බලාපොරෝත්තු තබා සිටි ඇතමෙක් මට තිබෙන දේශපාලන ගැටළුවලට
සමාන්තරවූත් එහෙත් ප්රමාණයෙන් එපමණම නොවූත් ගැටළු ප්රමාණයක් මත පක්ෂයෙන් ඉවත් වී
සිටින බැවින් ද, පක්ෂය තුල තවමත් ක්රියාකාරී වන එහෙත් මහත් ප්රශ්ණ සම්භාරයක් සිත්හි
දරා ගෙන සිටින පූර්ණකාලීනයන් එම ප්රශ්ණ නිරාකරණය කරගැනීම සඳහා මා සමග සාක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ච්ඡා</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කරන
විට ඔවුන්ගේ බොහෝ ප්රශ්ණ නිරාකරණය කරනු වෙනුවට එම ප්රශ්ණ සමග මගේ තිබෙන එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">තාවය පළකිරීමට සිදුවී ඇති
හෙයින්ද, එම ප්රශ්ණ පිළිබඳව පක්ෂය නිවැරදි කරගතහැකි යයි මා අදහස් නොකරන හෙයින්ද මෙම
ලිපිය ඉක්මනින් සකස් කිරීමටත්, මෙම ලිපිය පක්ෂයේ හැම සහෝදරයෙකුටම ඉදිරිපත්කිරීම සඳහා
පක්ෂයට ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමටත් මම තීරණය කලෙමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මෙම
ලිපියේ අඩංගු වන කරුණුවලින් මට පුද්ගලිකව මෙන්ම පොදුවේත් ඇතිවන හානිදායක ප්රතිඵල
පිළිබඳවත්, පක්ෂ සහෝදරවරුන් තුල මෙම ලිපිය විසින් ජනිත කල හැකි ප්රතිචාරයන් පිළිබඳවත්
අවබෝධයක් මා සතුව ඇත. මෙම ලිපිය ලිවීමෙන් අනුන් පිට වැරදි පටවා මා සුදනා වීමට මම අදහස්
නොකරන බවත්, මෙහි දක්වන හැම තත්ත්වයකටම පක්ෂ සාමාජිකයෙතු ලෙස සාමූහිකවත්, පක්ෂයේ සිටි
“නායකයෙකු” වශයෙන් එයින් විශාල වැඩි වගකීම් ප්රමාණයකටත් මා වගකිවයුතු බවත් පැහැදිලිකළ
යුතුය.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මගේ
දේශපාලන ජීවිතයේ ඉතාමත් බරපතල දේශපාලන වැරදි නිගමන දෙකකට එළඹ මා කටයුතු කොට ඇත. ඉන්
පළමු වැන්න 1971 </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප්රේල්</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අරගලය පිළිබඳ තීන්දු කිරීමේ සාක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ච්ඡා</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ව තුලදී මා ගන්නා ලද නිගමනයයි.
සනත් -</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අතුල
කණ්ඩායම විසින් සටන් කිරීමට ගන්නා ලද මුල් තීරණයක් අප පිට පැටවීම සඳහා පවත්වන ලද සාක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ච්ඡා</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වක් වුවත් අ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ප්රේ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ල් 02 දා පැවති එම සාකච්</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඡා</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වේදී </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප්රේල්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> 05 දා පහරදීමට ගන්නා ලද
තීරණයේ ප්රතිඵලයක් වශයෙන් සිදුවූ සියළු දේ සම්බන්ධයෙන් මගේ ඇති වගකීමෙන් මට නිදහස්විය
නොහැකිය. සැබවින්ම එම තීරණය රජයේ මර්ධනයට එරෙහිව පක්ෂයේ පැවැත්ම සඳහා ගන්නා ලද තීරණයක්
හෝ </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">සිය
දිවි නසා ගැනීමට ගන්නා ලද තීරණයක්” හෝ වුවත් එදා අප කරගෙනගිය දේශපාලනයේ ඊළ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ආසන්න
ඉදිරි ක්රියාමාර්ගය ලෙස සැලකුවොත් මෙම තීරණය කෙසේ නම් වෙනස් කල හැක්ව තිබුනේදැයි
යන්න එදා මෙන්ම අදත් මට පොදු වශයෙන් නිරාකරණය නොවූ ප්රශ්ණයක්ව පවතී. කෙසේවුවද එම
තීරණය විනාශකාරී එකක් වූ බවත්, ඊට මා මුළුමනින් හවුල්කරුවෙකු වූ බවත් මම හොඳින් දනිමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">එහි
ප්රතිඵලයක් ලෙස බලවත්, පෞද්ගලික ස්වරූපයේ දේශපාලන අර්බුදයකට, සෙලවීමකට මා ලක්වූ අතර
බරපතල දේශපාලන </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">තීරණය</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ක්
ගැනීමේදී මෙම තත්ත්වය විසින් දැඩි සසල කිරීමක් ඇති කරන ලද බව මෙයට පෙර පවා මා පක්ෂයට
ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත. පක්ෂය යලි ගොඩනගා කලින් පැවති වැරදි හා අඩුපාඩු නිවරුදි කොට ගනිමින්,
යලිත් එවැනි බරපතල වැරදි දේශපාලන නිගමනවලට නොබසිමින්, 1971 ට පෙර පුද්ගලයන් පිළිබඳව
තබන ලද අධි විශ්වාසයන් හා භක්තිය තුලින් ඇතිවූ හානි වැනි තත්ත්වයන් යලි ඇති නොවන්නට
වග බලා ගනිමින් ක්රියා කළ යුතුයයි ද, ඇතිවී තිබූ විනාශකාරී තත්ත්වය මඟ හැරීමෙන් පසු
මා දේශපාලනයෙන් ඉවත්විය යුතුයයිද මා සිතා සිටියත්, 1977 සිරගෙදරින් ඉවතට පැමිණ යලි
දේශපාලනයේ නිරත වීමේදී මා අකමැති දේශපාලන ප්රවනතා තුල වුවද සාමුහිකත්වයට උරදෙමන්
කටයුතු කොට යළිත් 1971 තීරණයට අසමාන<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>නුවූ බරපතල
දේශපාලන වැරදි නිගමනයකට එළඹියෙමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">එනම්
1982 ජනාධිපතිවරණය සඳහා රෝහණ සොයුරා ඉදිරිපත්්කිරීමට ගන්නා ලද තීරණයට මා දැක්වූ බලවත්
සහයෝගය සහ අනුකූලතාව යයි. එදා නුවර පැවැත්වූ “සම්මේලනයේදී” පක්ෂ සොයුරන් හමුවේ රෝහණ
සොයුරා ජනාධිපතිවරණ අපේක්ෂකයා ලෙස ඉදිරිපත්කිරීමේ යෝජනාවට මා විරුද්ධ වුයේ නම් සෑහෙන
බලපෑමක් එයින් ඇති කල හැකිව තිබිණි. රෝහණ සොයුරා පුද්ගලිකව මට කරුණු ඉදිරිපත්කරමින්
එම යොජනාවට මගේ අනුකූලතාවය ලබා නොදෙන ලෙස ඉල්ලූවත්, මගේ තක්සේරුව වූයේ එතෙක් අප කරගෙන
එන ලද දේශපාලනයේ ඊළ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ආසන්න තර්කානුකූල ක්රියාව වන්නේ ඔහු ජනාධිපතිවරණය සඳහා
ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම හැර වෙනත් එකක් නොවන බවයි. අපේ දේශපාලන ක්රියාදාමයට අනුකූලව ගත් විට
ජනාධිපතිවරණයට තර</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වැදීම නොකලහොත් අපේ පක්ෂයට ඇතිවන දේශපාලන හානිය අද ඇතිවී
තිබෙන තත්ත්වයේම එකක් නොවිය හැකිව තිබිනැයි කිව නොහැක. ඒ කවර තත්ත්වයන් යටතේ වුවත්
ජනාධිපතිවරණයට රෝහණ සොයුරා ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට ගෙන ආ යෝජනාව ස්ථිර කරමින් මම එදා කර ඇත්තේ
පක්ෂය අද ලක්වී තිබෙන විනාශකාරී ඉරණමට පත් වන්නට සහාය වීමයි. 1971 </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප්රේල්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> 02 වැනිදා ගත් තීරණය ඉන්
පෙර අප ඇතිකල දේශපාලන ක්රියාවලියේ අනිවාර්ය නිගමනයක් වූවා සේම, 1982 ජනාධිපතිවරණයට
රෝහණ සොයුරා ඉදිරිපත්කිරීමට ගත් තීරණයත්, ඊට පෙර අප ඇතිකල දේශපාලන ක්රියාවලියේ එකම
අවසාන අනිවාර්ය තර්කානුකූල නිගමනය විය යුතුව තිබුුනු බව අදත් මා දරන අදහසයි. මෙසේ
1971 ට නොදෙවැනිවූ විනාශයක් ඇති කල බරපතල දේශපාලන වැරදි නිගමනයකට මා යලිත් හවුල් වූ
අතර, 1971 </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප්රේල්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
02 දා තීරණය සම්බන්ධයෙන් ඇතිව තිබූ දේශපාලන සසලවීම පක්ෂයේ මංගල සමුළුව හමුවේ යම් පමණකට
සකස්කොට ගත්තද එම හවුල්වීම විසින් එම දේශපාලන සසලත්වය කම්පනයක්, කළකිරීමක් හා මන්දෝත්සාහී
බවක් දක්වා තවදුරටත් වැඩි දියුණු කරවන ලදී.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පුද්ගලයෙක්
ලෙස, පක්ෂයට සාපේක්ෂව විශේෂයෙන් සම්බන්ධවී සිටින බරපතල දේශපාලන වැරදි නිගමන ලෙස සැලකිය
හැක්කේ මෙපමණක් වුවද මෙතරම් බරපතල නොවේයයි සැලකිය නොහැකි දේශපාලන වැරදි වැඩි ප්රමාණයකට
පක්ෂය ලෙස සාමූහිකව ගත් විට මා හවුල් වී ඇතැයි කල්පනා කරමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පක්ෂයේ
මධ්යම කමිටුව තුල බහුතරයේ මතයට අවනත වෙමින්් මා දිගටම කටයුතුකොට ඇත. වෙනත් අදහස් දැරූ
අවස්ථාවල මා ඒ පිළිබඳව දරන මත මට හැකි ප්රමාණයෙන් පැහැදිලි කර දීමට මා ක්රියා කොට
ඇති අතර ඇතැම් අවස්ථාවල මධ්යම කමිටුව ගන්නා යම් නිගමනයන්ට මා එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">නොවූවත්,
එම නිගමනවලට විරුද්ධ නොවී උදාසීන ලෙස ක්රියාකල බවද සඳහන් කළ යුතුය. මෙසේ සිදුවූයේ
එක්කෝ වෙනත් විකල්ප ක්රියා මාර්ගයක් ඉදිරපත් කිරීමට නොහැකි වීම නැතහොත් මා තුල පවත්නා
නොදැනුම හේතුවෙනි. මා අකමැති යම් දෙයකට වුවද ඇතැම් විට කරබා ගෙන සිටීමේ මේ චරිත ලක්ෂණය
මගේ ජීවිතයේ තිබෙන ඉතාමත් හානිකර අංග ලක්ෂණය ලෙස මම දකිමි. එහෙත් තවදුරටත් පක්ෂ ක්රියාමාර්ගය
තුල පවතිමින් එසේ සිටීම බරපතල හානි ඇති කරවන්නක් බව මම දකිමි. එහෙයින් තවදුරටත් එසේ
පැවතිය නොහැකිය.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1971
</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප්රේල්</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අරගලය පිළිබඳ සවිස්තරාත්මක ස්වයංවිවේචනයක් තවමත් අපට පොදුවේ
ඉදිරිපත් කළ නොහැකිවුවද එම අරගලයේ තත්ත්වයන් පිළිබඳව මා දක්නා ඇතැම් වැරදි හා අඩුපාඩුකම්
බොහෝවිට පක්ෂයේ අනෙක් සොයුරන් නොදකින හා එවැනි අඩුපාඩු නොවූ බවට ප්රකාශ කිිරීමේ තත්ත්වයක්
ද බන්ධනාගාරය තුලත්, පක්ෂයේ මංගල සමුළුව සඳහා මා සකස් කල පක්ෂ ස්වයං විවේචනයේදීත් දක්නට
ලැබිනි. එම වැරදි නිවැරදි කර ගන්නවා වෙනුවට එම වැරදි පක්ෂය තුල තව තවත් උත්සන්න වී
ඇතයි මම අද දකිමි. මේ පිළිබඳව විවාදකිරීමට මට අවශ්ය නැත. මගේ සිත තුල කාලයා විසින්
ප්රයෝගික ජීවිතය තුලින් සටහන් කරන ලද්දක් හුදු විවාදයකින් හෝ තර්ක කිරීමකින් වෙනස්
කල නොහැකි බවත්, එසේ කිරීම අප සියළු දෙනාගේම කාලය කා දමන නිරර්ථක හා පරමාර්ථ විරහිත
එකක් පමණක් බවත් උදක්ම කල්පනා කරන්නෙමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1977
නොවැම්බර් දෙවැනි දින රාත්රියේ එම්. බී. රත්නායක සොයුරාගේ ගෙදර </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">රැ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ස්වූ පක්ෂයේ එවකට තිබූ දේශපාලන
මණ්ඩලයට රෝහණ සොයුරා ඉදිරිපත් කල දැවැන්ත ප්රචාරක වැඩ පිළිවෙලට මා දැඩි ලෙස විරුද්ධවූ
බවත්, එහෙත් බහුතරයේ එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">තාවයට
අනුව එය දියත් කරන ලද බවත් ඔබට මතක ඇතැයි සිතමි. මා ඊට විරුද්ධ වූයේ ප්රචාරක හා සංවිධානාත්මක
කටයුතු අතර නිශ්චිත ද්විඝඨනාත්මක සම්බන්ධතාවයකින් තොරව, “දිරවා ගැනීමට බැරි තරම් කා
දැමීමේ” ප්රචාරක වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් තුලින් විප්ලවීය ව්යාපාරයේ සංවිධාන රටාව විනාශ කර
දමන හෙයිනි. එතැන් සිට දියත් කරන ලද හැම ප්රචාරක වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් විසින්ම සැබවින් ඇතිකරන
ලද්දේ මෙම තත්ත්වයයි. ප්රචාරක වශයෙන් කරන ලද හැම කටයුත්තක්ම සංසන්දනාත්මක ලෙස සාර්ථක
කර ගනු ලැබුවත්, එයින් පක්ෂය ක්ෂණික වේගයකින් ප්රමාණාත්මක ප්රසාරණයක් ලැබුවත් ප්රචාරක
හා සංවිධාන කටයුතු අතර පැවතිය යුතු ද්විඝඨනාත්මක සම්බන්ධතාවය පවත්වා නොගැනීමේ හේතුව
නිසාම පක්ෂයේ ප්රමාණාත්මක විපර්යාසය ගුණාත්මක වශයෙන් විප්ලවීය හා ජනනාත්මක විපර්යාසයක්
බවට පත්කරගැනීමට අපට හැකියාවක් හෝ වැඩපිළිවෙලක් නොවීය. එක්තරා ප්රමාණයකට හෝ ගුණාත්මක
වර්ධනයක් ඇතිකර ලන්නට ඉවහල් වූ අධ්යාපන වැඩ පිළිවෙල සම්පූරණයෙන්ම විනාශ වී ගියේය.
එම අධ්යාපන වැඩ පිළිවෙල හෝ අප ගෙන ගිය සංවිධානය කිරීමේ ක්රමය පිලිබඳ මගේ එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">තාවයක් නොමැත. එහෙත් එවැනි
අධ්යාපන වැඩපිළිවෙලක් නොමැතිවීමේ ඵලය වශයෙන් සිදුවූයේ පක්ෂය තුල ඇතිවූ වේගවත් ප්රමාණාත්මක
වර්ධනය විසින් පක්ෂ අරටුව දිරාපත් කරමින් පක්ෂය විනාශය කරා ගෙන යාමයි. ඇතිවූ ගුණාත්මක
වෙනස එයයි. පසුගිය කාලය පුරා පක්ෂය තුල සුවකල නොහැකි ලෙස ඔඩුදිවගිය රෝගයේ හරය මෙය යයි
මම කල්පනාකරමි. එපමණක් නොව අදත් එවැනි අධ්යාපන හෝ සංවිධාන වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් අපට නැත.
අපේ වැනි පක්ෂයක එවැන්නක් ඉදිරියේදී ද ඇති නොවනු ඇත.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ප්රචාරක
කටයුතුවලදී අප දැක්වූ ප්රදර්ශනවාදී නැඹුරුව (උදා. මැයි දින හා මැතිවරණ රැස්වීම් ආදිය</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">)</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">විසින්
පක්ෂය සමස්තයක් ලෙස පිරිහීමකට ලක්වීමත් සමග සමාන්තර ලෙස පුද්ගල පිරිහී යෑම් ද පක්ෂය
තුල ඇති කරන ලදී. එපමණක් නොව එම ප්රදර්ශනවාදී නැඹුරුව විසින් සතුරා අප පිළිබඳව අධි
තක්සේරු කිරීමක් වෙත ගෙන යන ලදී. ඇතැම් අංශ මේ පිළිබඳව අපේ අවධානය යොමුකල විට අප විසින්
කරන ලද්දේ එසේ නොකලොත් එය අපේ ඉදිරිගමනට බාධාවක් වනු ඇතැයි පවසමින් එම අදහස් නිර්දය
ලෙස ප්රතික්ෂේප කිරීම නොවේද?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පක්ෂය
ප්රමාණාත්ක ලෙස පුළුල්කිරීමට අප දැක්වූ ප්රවනතාවය ක්රමානුකූලව උත්සන්නවී අවසානයේ
එය මැතිවරණ සංවිධාන ගොඩනැගීමේ විකාර සහගත ඉලක්ක හා අරමුණු සහිතව කරන්නක් බවට පත් වූයේය.
මැතිවරණ සංවිධානවලට සැම තැනම පෝර්ම පුරවා බඳවා </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ගනිමින්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">, එසේ බැඳුනු ප්රමාණය ප්රසිද්ධ
වේදිකාවේ විදහා පාමින් අප අප ගැනම ඉදිරිපත් කල සාඩම්බර කරුණු විසින්ම අප අද අනාථභාවයකට
හෙලා තිබෙනවා නොවේද? පසුගිය කාල පරිච්ෙ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">දය
පුරාම අප සපුරා වෙහෙසුනේ මැතිවරණ කටයුතු ගැනයයි කිවහොත් එය නිවැරදිය. වෙනත් නොයෙක්
අංශ ගැන, නොයකුත් වැඩකටයුතු ගැන, ක්රියාමාර්ග ගැන, කලා මාධ්යන් තුලින් කරන කටයුතු
හා මානව අයිතීන් සු</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">රැ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කීමේ
කටයුතු ගැන අප කෙතරම් සාක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ච්ඡා</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කළද ඒවා අවසානයේදී කතාවටම පමණක් සීමා වී ගියේය. විප්ලවවාදී
සංවිධානයක් ලෙස අප අපව හ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඳු</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">න්වාගත්තද
අපට ශේෂවී තිබුනේ හැ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟී</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ම්
දනවන වැඩ රටාවක් යයි පැවසුවොත් වඩා නිවැරදි වනවා ඇත.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඵීප්ලවීය
පක්ෂයකින් ඉටුවියයුතු වැඩ කොටස් වශයෙන් නොයෙක් ක්ෂේත්ර තුල අපේ මැදිහත්වීම හා අනෙක්
දේශපාලන සංවිධාන තුල අපේ අය කි</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඳා
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">බැස්වීම සිදු කෙරුනේ නැත. පක්ෂයේ හා බහු සංවිධානවල සොයුරන්ට
එරෙහිව දියත් වන නොයෙක් මර්ධනකාරී වැඩ පිළිවෙලවලට මුහුණ දීම සඳහා නීතිඥවරුන් අපෙන්ම
ගොඩ නගා ගැනීමට වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් අපෙන් ක්රියාත්මක නොවුනි. විශ්ව වි</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ද්යා</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ල වලින් පිටවූ අපේම බුද්ධිමතුන්
වැඩිම ප්රමාණයක් අපේ වැඩ කටයුතුවලට මැදිහත් නොවුනි. එසේ සහභාගි කරවා ගැනීමට අපට ප්රමාණවත්
වැඩපිළිවෙලක් ද නොවීය. බුද්ධිමතුන් පක්ෂයේ දැඩි ක්රියාකාරිකයින් ලෙස ඉදිරියට ගෙන
කටයුතු කිරීමට වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් අපට නොවීය. ඒ වෙනුවට අප නිතරම උනන්දු වූයේ විශ්ව </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">විද්යාල</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">නිළවරණ
කාල සීමාවේදී කෙසේ හෝ ප්රචාරක කටයුතු මගින් ශිෂ්ය සභාවන්හි නිල තල සමාජවාදී ශිෂ්ය
සංගමයට ලබාගැනිම පිළිබ`දව පමණයි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කම්කරු
පංතිය විප්ලව</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">යේ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ප්රධාන ගාමක බලවේගය ලෙස හැ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඳි</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">න්වුවද අපේ වැඩ කටයුතු වලදී
අප බරව සිටියේත්, සිටින්නේත් හැමවිටම ප්රාදේශීය අංශයට ප්රධාන බරක් යොදමින් ශිෂ්ය
හා </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">රැ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කියා
විරහිත තරුණ කොටස් සංවිධානය කිරීමටයි. ඔවුන් ද සංවිධානය කල යුතුයි. එහෙත් නිර්ධන පංතිය
අතට රාජ්ය බලය ලබා ගැනීම ස`දහා කරන අරගලයේදී ධනපති පංතිය විසින් එල්ල කරනු ලබන මර්ධනකාරී
ක්රියාදාමය ඉදිරියේ ප්රබල ලෙස නොසැලී සිටින්නේ කම්කරු පංතිය පමණක්ම බව ජාතික හා
ජාත්යන්තර ඉතිහාසය විසින් නැවත නැවතත් විදහා පා ඇතැයි මම දනිමි. මෙම විප්ලවීය ක්රියාවලියේදී
තරුණ හා ශිෂ්ය කොටස් ප්රබල මෙහෙවරක් ඉටුකරන බව සැබෑවුවත් මර්ධන ක්රියාවලිය හමුවේ,
කම්කරු පංතිය හා සාපේක්ෂව ගත්විට ඔවුන්ට ඉටු කල හැකි වැඩ කොටස අතිශයින් සීමිතය. මර්ධනයේදී
පළමුවෙන්ම සසලවී පක්ෂය හැර යන්නේ ඔවුන්ය. එහෙයින් පක්ෂයේ ප්රධාන බර යෙදිය යුතුව තිබුනේ
කම්කරු පංතිය ගොනු කිරීමටත්, ඔවුන්ගේ සටන්කාමිත්වය වැඩිදියුණු කිරීමටත් යයි මම මුල
පටන්ම අවධාරණය කරන ලද බව ඔබට මතක ඇතැයි සිතමි. එහෙත් පක්ෂය තුල මෙය ක්රියාවට නැගෙනු
මා කිසිදාක දැක නැත.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වෘත්තීය
සමිති පිහිටුවීමට පක්ෂය ගත් සාමූහික තීරණයට මම ද හවුල් වීමි. එහෙත් 1971 ට පෙර කළ තරමේවත්
සාර්ථක ප්රතිඵල ඇති කර ගැනිමට අප අසමත්වී ඇති බව මෙහිදී සිහියට නැෙඟ්. ප්රතිගාමී
වෘත්තීය සමිති තුල විප්ලවවාදී අයුරින් වැඩ කටයුතු කිරීම මුලූමනින් අතහැර දැමූ අපි සහමුලින්ම
වෘත්තීය සමිති දේශපාලනයට නැඹුරුවූයෙමු. වෘත්තීය සමිති තුල සමාජවාදී කම්කරු සංගම් දියවී
යනු දැකිය හැකි වූවා මිස, වෘත්තීය සමිති තුල නව සමාජවාදී කම්කරු සංගම් බිහිවනු දැකිය
හැකිවූයේ කලාතුරකිනි. පැරණි වමේ ව්යාපාරයේ වෘත්තීය සමිති ක්රියාකාරිත්වයට වඩා දේශපාලනිකව
වෙනස් අන්දමක (කැපකිරීම හා පරිත්යාගයන් හැරුනු විට</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">)</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වෘත්තීය
සමිති ක්රියාකාරිත්වයක් අපට දක්නට හැකිවූයේ නැත.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පක්ෂ
නායකත්වයේ පවතින අර්බූදය 1971 ට පෙරත්, 1977 ට පසුත් දිගින් දිගටම දක්නට ලැබුනි. පක්ෂ
නායකත්වයට බුද්ධිමතුන් හි</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">විම
කෘතිමව මැඩපැවැත්විය හැක්කක් නොවූවද බුද්ධිමතුන් පක්ෂයේ වැඩකටයුතු ස`දහා යොමු කර ගැනීමේදී
හා සම්බන්ධ කර ගැනීමේදී අප දක්වා ඇත්තේ අල්පවූ දුර්වලතා නොවේ. ඒ කෙසේවුවද පෞද්ගලික
ප්රශ්ණ මුල් කොට ගෙන පෞද්ගලිකව වෙන් වෙනවාට වඩා, පෞද්ගලික ප්රශ්ණ දේශපාලන ප්රශ්ණ
බවට හරවා ගෙන පක්ෂයට සතුරුකම් කරන තත්ත්වයකට පක්ෂ නායකත්වයෙන් ඉවත් වන අය බොහෝවිට කටයුතු
කොට තිබෙන බව දක්නට ඇත. 1971 ට පෙර පක්ෂයේ ඇතැම් අය ගැන තබා තිබූ බලාපොරොත්තු හා විශ්වාසය
1971 දී කෙතරම් කඩවූයේ දැයි පුන පුනා පැවසීමට අවශ්ය නැත. එහෙත් 1971 න් පසු යලි පක්ෂය
ගොඩනැගීමේ ක්රියාවලියේදී ඊට වඩා වෙනස් වූ යමක් දක්නට ලැබුනේයයි කිසිසේත් පැවසිය නොහැකිය.
මදරසිංහ කණ්ඩායම හැරුනු විට පක්ෂ නායකත්වයෙන් ඉවත්වූ හැම කෙනෙක්ම ප්රධාන වශයෙන් පක්ෂයෙන්
ඉවත්වූයේ පෞද්ගලික ප්රශ්ණ මුල් කර ගෙනයයි පැවසුවොත් එය ඉතාමත් නිවැරදිය. වාස් තිලකරත්නලා
ගැන පක්ෂය තුල තිබූ විශ්වාසය පළුදුවීම සම්බන්ධයෙන් ගත්විට ඔවුන්ගේ ඉතිහාසය ගැන සලකා
සිත් සදා ගත හැකි වුවත්, ඇතැම් සහෝදරවරුන්ට සිදුවූදේ අදහා ගැනීමට වත් නොහැකිය. පක්ෂයේ
දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලය ස`දහා ඉදිරියට ගැනිමට හැකි අය නොමැතිව අර්බූදයට ලක්වී සිටි අප පක්ෂය,
පක්ෂය විසින් වඩාත් විශ්වාසය තබා සිටි අය පක්ෂය හැරදමා ඉවත් වන විට දැන් පවතින තත්ත්වය
ගැන කතා කිරිමට තරම්වත් යමක් නොමැති වෙයි. මා අදහස් කරන්නේ බොහෝ අවස්ථාවල පක්ෂය තුල
පුද්ගලික ගොනුවීම් විසින් මේ හානිකර තත්ත්වයන් ජනිත කොට තිබෙන බවයි.</span></div>
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සංවිධාන අංශයක් නොපැවතියත් එවැනි කටයුතුවල නිරත වෙන්නට සිටි අය මෙවැනි තත්ත්වයකට පත්වන්නේ
නම් අපට පක්ෂය පිළිබ`ද විශ්වාසයක් ඇති කර ගත හැක්කේ කෙසේද? මෙය අද ඊයේ පැන නැගුන ප්රශ්ණයක්
නොවේ. විප්ලවවාදී පක්ෂයක නායකත්වය සතුවිය යුතු ලක්ෂණ හා ගුණාංග අපේ නායකත්වයෙන් ගිලිහී
ගොස් ඇති බවට මෙය දැඩි සාධකයකි. අපේ පක්ෂය ගොඩ එන්නට බැරි නායකත්ව අර්බූදයක එරී පවතී.
මෙම තත්ත්වයෙන් ගොඩඒමට කළ හැකි යමක් ගැන මට සිතිය නොහැක. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ප්රචාරක
කටයුතු හා සංවිධාන කටයුතු අතර පැවතිය යුතු ද්විඝඨනාත්මක සම්බන්ධය එසේ පවත්වා නොගැනීම
මෙම ප්රධාන පිරිහීම්වල ආරම්භක හේතුව ලෙස දුටුවත්, අප පක්ෂ සංවිධානය ගොඩනැගිමට අනුගමනය
කරන ක්රියා මාර්ගය හේතුවෙන්ම ධනපති පංතිය දියත්කරන මර්ධනයකදී අපට අපේ දෙපයින් සංවිධානාත්මක
ලෙස නැගී සිටීම ඉතාමත් අපහසු එකක් බවට පත්කරනවා ඇත. අපේ සංවිධානය කිරීමේ පදනම වන්නේ
පංති පහ සහ අධ්යාපන කඳවුරු කිරීමයි. එවැනි වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් පමණක් තුල, වර්ධනය වන විප්ලවිය
සංවිධානයක් ගොඩනැගිය නොහැක. විප්ලවීය සංවිධානයකට අව්යාජ ලෙස වර්ධනය විය හැක්කේ මිට
වඩා සපුරා වෙනස් ක්රියාමාර්ගයක් තුලින් පමණක් බව 1971 මෙන්ම 1977 පසු දේශපාලන ක්රියාවලියේ
අත්දැකීම්වල හරය ලෙස මම අද දකින්නෙමි.</span></div>
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දරන මතාවාදී අදහස්වලින් වෙනස්වන්නට මට ඉහතකී කරුණු බලපා තිබේ. කෙතරම් පිරිසිදු න්යායක්
වුවත් එය භාවිතාවේ යෙදිය නොහැකි නම් එය වඳ බවට පත්වෙයි. දිග්ගැස්සුන අරගලය, මූල කඳවුරු,
ඒ මත පදනම් වූ සංවිධාන රටාව අපේ රටේ සුවිශේෂ සමාජ, ආර්ථික, භූගෝලීය තත්ත්වයන් මත ක්රියාත්මක
කල නොහැකියයි න්යායික ලෙස ප්රතික්ෂේප කළද උතුරේ සටන්කාමී සංවිධාන විසින් දීර්ඝ කාලීන
යුද්ධයේ හා සුළු අරගල න්යායේ භාවිතාත්මක හැකියාව ප්රායෝගික ජීවිතයේදී මොනවට සනාථකර
තිබේ. ඉන්දියානු සංදර්භය තුල මූල කඳවුරු අපේ රටේ පවත්වාගෙනයාම අද අප දෑස් ඉදිරියේ ප්රායෝගික
යථාර්තය බවට පත්ව තිබේ.</span></div>
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ප්රශ්ණය පිළිබඳව අප අනුගමනය කරන පිළිවෙත, නියම පාර්ලිමේන්තුවාදී පක්ෂයක් ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය
පිළිබඳ දක්වන පිළිවෙතකින් වෙනස් වන්නේ කෙසේදැයි මට නම් දැකිය නොහැක. අප අනුගමනය කොට
ඇත්තේ දෙබිඩි පිළිවෙතකි. ජාතීන් අතර ස්වයංxතීරණය සඳහා තිබෙන අයිතිය ලෙනින්වාදී ප්රතිපත්තියක්
ලෙස පිළිගන්නා අතරම ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ රජයක් තුල දෙමළ ජනතාවට අත්වන ඉරනම ගැන වෙනම
ප්රතිපත්තියක් ඇත්නම් එය දෙබිඩි පිළිවෙතක් හැර අන් කුමක්ද? ආර්ථික අර්බූදය දැවැන්ත
ලෙස උත්සන්න වන හැමවිටකදීම ධනපති පංතිය ජනතා අවධානය ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය වෙත යොමුකරන්නේය.
එබැවින් කෙතරම් දැඩි ආර්ථික දරිද්රතාවයන්ට ලක්වූවත් අපේ රටේ පවතින විශේෂ සමාජ ඓතිහාසික
තත්ත්වයන් හේතුවෙන් ධනපති ක්රමයේ පැවැත්මේ මූලික කොන්දේසියක් ලෙස ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය
කරළියට ගෙනැවිත් ඇත. එම ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය විසින් සමස්ථ ධනපති ක්රමයම ප්රත්යාවර්ත
නොවන අර්බුදයකට ලක්කොට තිබේ. ඉදිරියේදී ද ධනපති ක්රමය යටතේ එය එසේම සිදුවෙනවා ඇත.
එහෙයින් විප්ලවවාදී පක්ෂයක් විසින් සැලකිල්ලට ගතයුතු එක් ප්රධාන කර්තව්යයක් නම්
ලාංකික සමාජවාදී විප්ලවයේදී ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය ඊට බද්ධකොටගෙන කටයුතුකළ හැක්කේ කෙසේද යන්න
පිළිබඳ පර්යේෂණාත්මක ලෙස ගවේෂනය කොට ඒ අනුව ක්රියාකිරීමයි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">සිිංහල
හෝ දෙමළ ජාතිවාදයට නතු වීමෙන් මෙය කළ නොහැක. දෙමළ ජනතාව අතරෙන් බිහිවන ඇතැම් සටන්කාමී
ව්යාපාර මුලින් ත්රස්තවාදී කටයුතුවල නිරත වුවද පසුව ඔවුන් ප්රගතිශීලීන් ලෙස ඉදිරියට
ගමන්කිරීමට සූදානම් නම් ඔවුන් සමග යම් පමණක සබඳතාවක් ඇති කොට ඔවුන් නිවැරදි ප්රතිපත්ති
වටා රොක් කරවා ගැනීම විප්ලවවාදී ව්යාපාරයක කටයුත්තක් නොවන්නේ කෙසේද? එසේ නොමැතිව රජයේ
මර්ධනයට ලක්වේය යන කරුණ පමණක් හේතුවක් ලෙස යොදාගනිමින් එවැනි සම්බන්ධතා ඇති කර ගැනීමෙන්
වැළකී සිටීම ලාංකීය සමාජවාදී විප්ලවයට හිත සුවදායක වේයයි කෙසේ නම් කිව හැකිද? දෙමළ
ජනතාව ලාංකීය විප්ලවයේ ධජය වටා ඒකරාශිකොට පෙළ ගස්වා ගත හැක්කේ ඔවුන්ගේ ප්රශ්ණ සමග
බද්ධවී ක්රියාකාරී ලෙස ඒවා විසඳීමට උද්ඝෝෂණාත්මක බලකිරීමෙකින් මිස ඔවුන්ගේ ප්රශ්ණවලින්
වියෝවී බැහැරව සිටීමෙන් නොවේයයි මම කල්පනාකරමි. මෙම ප්රශ්ණය පිළිබඳව මම දරන මතය මීට
පෙරද ඔබට පැහැදිලිකොට ඇත. ඉන් ඔබ්බට මා දැනට ගමන් කොට ඇති නිසා මේ පිළිබඳව තවදුරටත්
කරුණු ඉදිරිපත් නොකරමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">අප
අනුගමනය කරන අධ්යාපන වැඩ පිළිවෙලට අනුව යූ. ඇන්. පී. විරෝධී ධනේශ්වර බලවේග හා පැරණි
සම්ප්රදායික වමේ පක්ෂ සමග උපක්රමික ලෙස අනුගමනය කළ හැකි කිසිදු ක්රියාමාර්ගයක්
ගැන සඳහන්් නොකරන හෙයින් එවැනි උපක්රමික වැඩපිළිවෙලක් අනුගමනය කළයුතු වූ හැම විටකම
පාහේ පක්ෂ අභ්යන්තරයේ පැනනැගුන අර්බුද හමුවේ පක්ෂ </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">නායකත්වය</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">, පක්ෂය විනාශයට පත්වේය යන
බිය හේතුවෙන් එම වැඩපිළිවෙලවල් මගදී අතහැර දැමීම සිදුවූයේය. අන් සංවිධාන සමග සාක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ච්ඡා</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">හෝ
උපක්රමික ක්රියාමාර්ගවලට එළැඹි හැම විටකම පාහේ අන්ය ජන කොටස්වලින් හුදෙකලාවී වියෝවී
මනෝමූලිකව ක්රියාකරන අපේ පක්ෂයේ සොයුරන් දැඩි ලෙස එම ක්රියාමාර්ගවලට විරෝධය පෑ
අවස්ථා එමටය. රටේ ඇති පොදු තත්වය මත එවැනි ක්රියාමාර්ගවල තිබෙන අවශ්යතාවය අපේ සාමාජිකත්වයට
පහදාදීමට අපට නොහැකිවී ඇත. ඒ හේතුවෙන් අප හැමවිටම ක්රියාකොට ඇත්තේ අපේ පක්ෂයට මර්ධනයක්
එළඹෙන හැම විටෙකම පමණක් ඔවුන්ගේ උදව් හා සහාය පැතීමටයි. එහෙයින් අප ගැන අවිශ්වාසයක්
හා අවිනිශ්චිතභාවයක් තම සාමාජිකත්වය තුල සංවිධානාත්මකව ගොඩනැගීමට අන් සංවිධානවල නායකත්වයන්ට
හැකියාව ලැබී තිබේ. අපේ පක්ෂය තුල ආවේණික මෙම නොමේරූ අපරිනත ලක්ෂණය විසින් අප පක්ෂය
එක්තරා කට්ටිවාදී ස්වරූපයකට යොමුකොට ඇතැයි මම අදහස් කරමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මේ
හැරෙන්නට පක්ෂ අභ්යන්තරයේ ප්රශ්ණ හේතුවෙන් පැනනැගුනු අර්බුද විසඳීමේදී අනුගමනය කරනලද
සංවිධානාත්මක ක්රියාමාර්ග පිළිබඳව මගේ කිසිදු අනුකූලතාවයක් නැත. පුද්ගලයන්ට හෝ සංවිධානවලට
එරෙහිව පුද්ගලයන් හෝ සංවිධාන තුල ප්රශ්ණ පැනනැගුනවිට ඒවා විසඳීමේදී හැමවිටකම නිළධාරිවාදී
ලෙස පක්ෂය ක්රියාකොට තිබේ යයි මා තුල වෙනස් නොකළ හැකි ලෙස සටහන් වී හමාරය. පක්ෂයේ
දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලය හා මධ්ය කමිටුව තුලදී මම මේ පිළිබඳව දරන අදහස් පැහැදිලිකොට ඇත. එම
ප්රශ්ණ විසඳීමේදී අප අතර බරපතල වෙනස්කම් පැනනැගුන බව ඔබට මතක ඇතැයි සිතමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">දැනට
රටේ ආර්ථිකය තුල මතුපිටින් කෙතරම් උද්දීපනයක් පෙනෙන්නට සලස්වා තිබුනද ඉදිරි කාල පරිච්</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඡේ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">දය
තුලදී දෑවැන්ත අර්බූදයක් ඉස්මතු වීම වලක්වා ලිය නොහැකිය. රටේ විෂයමූල තත්ත්වයන් එවැනි
අයුරින් පරිණතභාවය කරා ගමන් කරද්දී විප්ලවීය මනෝමූල සාධකයන් මුහුකුරා යන තත්ත්වයක්
දක්නට නැත. ඒ වෙනුවට ඇත්තේ විප්ලවවාදී පක්ෂයක හා නායකත්වයක ඌනතාවයකි. පොදුවේගත්විට
සම්ප්රදායික මෙන්ම නව වමේ ව්යාපාරය ද දැඩි ලෙස දුර්වලවී හෝ දුර්වල කොට ඇත. විප්ලවීය
ව්යාපාරය වඩ වඩාත් අපහසුතාවයට පත් කරමින් ධනපති පංතිය අත්තනෝමතික ඒකාධිපතිත්වයක් කරා
පෙරට යමින් සිටියි. මෙම තත්ත්වයන් ධනපති හමුදා ආඥාදායක්තවයකට තෝතැන්නක් බඳුයයි කිව
හැකිය. මෙවැනි තත්ත්වයක් තුල රටේ ජනතාවත් වාම ව්යාපාරයත් මහත් විනාශයට ල</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ක්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වීමේ පෙර නිමිති දක්නට ඇත.
මෙම තත්ත්වය තුල ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ ඉටුකරනලද හා ඉටුකරන මෙහෙවර ගැන අවංකවම අපට සතුටුවෙකවා
වෙනුවට හ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඬා</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වැලපීමට සිදුවී තිබේ. අද ඇතිවී තිබෙන තත්ත්වයට වගකිව යුතු
වන්නේ පළමුවෙන් ධනපති පංතිය හා උන්ගේ ගැත්තනුත්, දෙවැනි වශයෙන් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණත්
බව මගේ අවංක මතයයි. මෙම තත්ත්වය ක්ෂනික ලෙස වෙනස්කළ නොහැකිය. ජාතික ප්රශ්ණය </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">විසින් ජනිත</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කරවනු
ලබන, නිර්මානය</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කරනු
</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ලබන විෂය</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මූල වාස්තවික තත්ත්වන් හමුවේ පමණක් ම සමාජවාදී විප්ලවය
ඉදිරියට ගමන් කරනවා ඇත. මෙවැනි තත්ත්වයක් තුල ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ විසින් එහි ස්වරූපයෙන්
හා සංවිධාන පදනමින් ඉටුකරන ලද ඓතිහාසික දේශපාලන මෙහෙවර නිමාවකට පැමිණ ඇති බව මගේ නිගමනයයි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1971
දී බන්ධනාගාරය තුල අනෙක් සොයුරන් සමග එක්වී ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ යලි ගොඩනැගීමට උර</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">දෙද්දී මගේ අදහස වූයේ පක්ෂය
ගොඩනැගූ පසු නායකත්වයේ වගකීම්වලින් ඉවත්වීමටයි. ඉවතට පැමිණ කටයුතු කරගෙන යද්දී මෙම
තත්වය වෙනස් වූ නමුත් 1982 මැද වාස්ලාගේ ප්රශ්ණය, මොරීන්ලාගේ ප්රශ්ණය පිළිබඳව පක්ෂය
අනුගමනය කරන ලද ක්රියා</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කලාපය, සහෝදරවරුන්ට හා සංවිධානවලට පැන නගින ප්රශ්ණවලදී
පක්ෂය අනුගමනයකරන ක්රියා පිළිවෙත ආදිය ගැන මම දැඩි කළකිරීමට පත්ව සිටියෙමි. මගෙන්
කෙරෙන වැඩ ප්රමාණයද අඩුවී ගිය නමුත් හැකි පමණින් කටයුතු කළෙමි. ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසු
ඇතිවූ තත්ත්වය හමුවේ යලිත් පක්ෂය ගොඩනැගීමට ක්රියාකිරීමට සිදුවිය. එහෙත් තත්ත්වය
තව තවත් නරක අතට හැරුනා මිස යහපත් වූයේ යයි කිසිසේත් කිවනොහැකිය. රහස්පොලීසියේ මා රඳවා
සිටිද්දී මා ක්රියාකලේ මෙම අර්බුදකාරී තත්ත්වය හමුවේ පක්ෂය හා මා කල දේශපාලනයේ යුක්ති
සහගත භාවය හා ගරුත්වය රැකගැනීම සඳහාත්, පක්ෂයට යලිත් නීත්යානූකූල තත්ත්වයක් යලි ඇති
කරලීම </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">සඳහාත්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">,
ඉන්පසු පක්ෂ නායකත්වය තුල මා දරන වගකීම්වලින් ඉවත් වීමත් සඳහා සිත සකස් කොට ගෙනය.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පක්ෂයේ
සිටින කිසිම සහෝදර සහෝදරියෙක් සමග මගේ කිසිදු පෞද්ගලික අමනාපයක් නැත. මා දුටුවේ පක්ෂයේ
පොදු මෙන්ම පෞද්ගලික පිරිහීයාම පිළිබඳව සහ නව දේශපාලන ප්රවනතා පිළිබඳව මා දරන අදහස්ය.
දැනට ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට වඩා ඉදිරියෙන් තිබෙන සංවිධානයක් ගැන මට කිසිත් පැවසිය නොහැක.
එහෙයින් ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණට එරෙහිව ක්රියාත්මක නොවෙමි. ස්වාධීනව සිටින මාක්ස්වාදියකු
වශයෙන් කටයුතුකිරීමට මම බලාපොරොත්තුවෙමි. මා ආධාර කල යුතු යයි හ`ගින පුද්ගලයන්ට හෝ
සංවිධානවලට ආධාර හා අනුබලය </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ලබාදීමත්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">,
ස්වාධීනව සිටිමින් ලාංකීය විප්ලවීය දේශපාලනයේ ඉදිරි ගමනට ඉවහල්වන යමක් ගැන මට කලහැකි
සුළු දෙයක් හෝ වේ නම් එය කිරීමටත්, රටේ ඉදිරියේ ඇතිවන දේශපාලන වර්ධනයන් ගැන සැලකිල්ලෙන්
සිට ඒ පිළිබඳව තීරණ ගැනීමටත් මම අදහස් කරමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ජනතා
විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ නිවැරදි කරගැනීමට හැකි යයි මම කල්පනා නොකරන </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">නිසාත්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">, ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ වෙනුවට
වඩා නිවැරදි දේශපාලන සංවිධාන ඉදිරියේ මතුවන දේශපාලන වර්ධනයන් තුලින් පැන නැඟිය හැකි
නිසාත් මම මෙම තීරණයට එළඹුන නමුත් මා ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ දේශපාලනයෙන් ස්වාධීන බවට
පත්වීමත් සමග ඇති වනු ලබන ක්ෂණික ප්රශ්ණ ලිහිල් කර ගැනීම සඳහා මට කල හැකි යම් දෙයක්
වේ නම් ඒ ගැන සලකා බැලීිමට මා සතුටුයි. මට ඇති පෞද්ගලික ප්රශ්ණ නිසා මා දේශපාලනයෙන්
ඉවත් වූ බව ප්රකාශ කල හැකිය. ඔබට කැමති දෙයක් පවසන්න. මා නිහ`ඩවනු විනා පක්ෂයේ සතුරෙක්
වීමෙන් වළකිමි. පක්ෂය සතුරු සංවිධානයක් ලෙස සලකා එයට හානිකිරීමට මා කල්පනා කලේ නම්
එසේ කිරීමට මට අවස්ථා ගණනාවක් ලැබුන බවත් එහෙත් එසේ කිරීමට මා අතීතයේදී කල්පනා නොකලා
මෙන්ම ඉදිරියේදීද කල්පනා නොකරන බවත් අවධාරණය කරමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මගේ
සංවර්ධන සභා මංත්රී ධුරය අහිමි කිරීමට තවමත් ගාල්ලේ සංවර්ධන සභාව ක්රියාකොට නොමැති
හෙයින් එම ධුරයෙන් ඉල්ලා අස්වීමේ ලිපියත්, පක්ෂයේ ප්රධාන ලේකම් හා දේශපාලන මණ්ඩලයෙන්
ද පක්ෂ සාමාජිකත්වයෙන් ද ඉවත්වීමේ ලිපියත්, පක්ෂය සතුවූ එහෙත් මා නමින් පවතින භාණ්ඩ
සඳහා පැවරුම් ලිපියකුත් මේ සමග ඉදිරිපත් කොට ඇත. මුලින් එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වූ
පරිදි පක්ෂයේ භාණ්ඩ හා වාහන විකුණා මුදල් කර දීමට මා කටයුතු කලත් අද සිට එම කටයුත්තෙන්
ද මා සම්පූර්ණයෙන් නිදහස් වෙමි. මා සතුව තිබුනු ෆයිල් සියල්ලම සුමිත් සහොදරයාට භාරදී
ඇත. මා සතුව තිබූ පක්ෂයේ භාණ්ඩ කිරුළපන තබා තිිබූන අතර ඒවාද සුමිත් සහෝදරයා භාරයේ ඇතැයි
සිතමි. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1971
ට පෙර අප තුල ඇතිවූ අති</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">-</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වාම
ප්රවනතාවය 1977 න් පසු අති දක්ෂිණාංශික ප්රවනතාවයක් බවට පරිවර්තනය වූ බව මට කිව
හැකිය. එසේම යලිත් මෙම දක්ෂිණාංශික ප්රවනතාවය අති</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">-</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වාම ප්රවනතාවයක් ලෙස පෙරට
ආ හැකියි. අප ගොඩනගන ලද අන්දමේ ව්යාපාරයක එවැනි සයින චක්රියාකාර ගමන් මගක් ගැනීම
නිසග ලක්ෂණයක් බව ජාත්යන්තර අත් දැකීම් තුලද දැකිය හැකිය. 1977 න් පසු අප දරන ලද අසීමිත
පරිශ්රමයේ ප්රතිඵලයක් ලෙස ගොඩ නගනු ලැබූ පක්ෂ හා බහු සංවිධාන ජනාධිපතිවරණයෙන් පසුත්,
1983 ජුලි මස දියත්කල මර්ධනයෙන් පසුත් දියවී ගොස් ජනතාව අතර අප සාතිශය සුළුතරයක් බවට,
සංවිධානමය වශයෙන් ඉතා දියාරු තත්ත්වයකට පත්වී තිබෙන මෙම අවස්ථාවේ එම තත්ත්වය ජනතාවගෙන්
ද පක්ෂයේ ශේෂවී සිටින සුලූතරයෙන් ද , මිතුරු සංවිධානවලින් ද වසන්කොට යථාර්තය ස</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වා යලි අධිතක්සේරු කිරීම්
හැම කෙනෙකු තුලම ජනිත කරවමින් ඔවුන්ගේ ආධාර ලබා ගැනීමටත් එසේම සුලූතරයක් විසින් අති</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">-</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">වාම ක්රියාවන් වෙත යොමු
වීමටත් තිබෙන ප්රවණතාවය පිළිබඳව මට තිබෙන සීමිත හෝ වූ අවබෝධය උඩ එක් අවසාන ඉල්ලීමක්
කරන්නෙමි. එවැනි අතිxවාම කි්රයාවකින් ලාංකීය සමාජවාදී විප්ලවයට අති භයානක හානි හා
විනාශයන් ඇති කරවන බව සක්සුදක් ලෙස පැහැදිලි බැවින් එවැනි ක්රියාවල නොයෙදෙන ලෙස ඔබෙන්
ඇයද සිටීමයි. එසේ නොමැතිව අතිධාවනකාරී ලෙස ක්රියා කලහොත් එය </span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">පැහැදිලිවත්</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">, අව්යාජ ලෙසත්
1971 අ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ප්රේ</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ල්
අමතක කිරීමක් වනවා නොඅනුමානයි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මෙම
ලිපිය පක්ෂයේ හැම සාමාජිකයෙකුටම ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට ක්රියා කරන ලෙසත් , මෙහි සඳහන් කරුණු
පිළිබඳව පක්ෂය එක</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ඟ</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">නම් කළ හැකි හොඳම දෙය වන්නේ සමස්ත පක්ෂ නායකත්වය ඇතිවී
තිබෙන මෙම තත්ත්වය පිළිබඳව වගකීම මුලූමණින් භාර ගනිමින් පක්ෂ නායකත්වයෙන් ඉවත් වී පක්ෂ
සමළුවක් තුලින් නව නායකත්වයක් තෝරා පත් කර ගැනීමට ඉඩකඩ ලබාදීම බවත්, මා පක්ෂය තුල ක්රියාකාරී
වූ වසර පහළොවකට ආසන්න කාලය පුරා මා සමග එකට අන්යොන්ය සහෝදරත්වයෙන් ක්රියා කරමින්
කැප කිරීම් කල සෑම සියලූ සහෝදර සහෝදරියෙකුටම මගේ අවංක සහෝදරාත්මක කෘතඥතාවය පළ කර සිටින
බවත්, ඒ කාලය තුල පෞද්ගලිකව හෝ පොදු පක්ෂ තීරණ මත හෝ අසාධාරණයට ලක්වූ හැම කෙනෙකුගෙන්ම
මා අවංකව සමාව යදින බවත්, මගේ මෙම ඉවත්වීම කම්පනයක් කොට නොගනිමින් සමාජවාදී විප්ලවය
සඳහා හැම කෙනෙකුගෙන්ම ඉටුවිය යුතු යුතුකම් කොටස ඉටුකිරීම හැම කෙනෙකුගේම අව්යාජ යුතුකම
හා වගකීම ලෙස සලකා කටයුතු කරන ලෙසද, අපේක්ෂා භංගත්වයට පත්ව විනාශකාරී තත්ත්වයන් ඇති
නොකරන ලෙස ද හැම කෙනෙකුගෙන්ම ඉල්ලා සිටීම මැනවැයි මා කල්පනාකරන බවත් මෙහි සඳහන් කල</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">යුතුය.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">කාලයක්
පුරා අඩුවැඩි ලෙස මා සමග කටයුතු කළ ඔබ සියලූ දෙනාගෙන්ම සහෝදරාත්මකව සමු ගන්නෙමි.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ලාංකීය
පීඩිත ජනතා ව්යාපාරයට ජයවේවා!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ලාංකීය
සමාජවාදී විප්ලවයට ජයවේවා!!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">මෙයට
සහෝදරත්වයෙන්</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">ලයනල්
බෝපගේ</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 6.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1984.
0</span><span lang="SI-LK" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "iskoola pota" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">.
29</span></div>
Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-925178707291689082017-11-24T16:33:00.001-08:002017-11-24T16:33:57.124-08:00(3) Centenary Celebration of October Revolution - YouTube<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lvSD4XLEgV8">(3) Centenary Celebration of October Revolution - YouTube<br />A song ‘A Tribute to Lenin’ I wrote in 1978 in Sri Lanka for “Songs of <br />
Liberation” Ensemble. It had gone missing since the proscription of the Ensemble in <br />
1983, This re-recording is a tribute to Lenin, whose intervention made <br />
the Soviet Socialist Revolution possible.<br /></a>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-24383635767741773602017-08-20T04:03:00.001-07:002017-08-20T04:03:55.212-07:00North Korea warns of 'merciless strike' ahead of US, South Korea drills - CNN<a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/08/20/asia/north-korea-south-korea-us-military-drills/index.html">North Korea warns of 'merciless strike' ahead of US, South Korea drills - CNN</a>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-70644696263070978282017-07-13T18:50:00.001-07:002017-07-13T18:50:35.314-07:00Liu Xiaobo: The Chinese dissident memorialised in social art - BBC News<a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-40591147">Liu Xiaobo: The Chinese dissident memorialised in social art - BBC News</a><br /><br /><br />
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="95t2e-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="95t2e-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="95t2e-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">Death of Human Rights Activist Liu Xiaobo</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="1ok6-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="1ok6-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="1ok6-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="8cket-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="8cket-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="8cket-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">He was a Human Rights Activist, Former Professor of Chinese Literature and Nobel laureate.</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="deel6-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="deel6-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="deel6-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="cu29o-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="cu29o-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="cu29o-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">He passed away while serving an 11-year sentence in China for "inciting subversion of state power". Chinese Communist Party leadership was scared of him for his role in drafting a democracy manifesto for China.</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="f0n09-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="f0n09-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="f0n09-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="c4vda-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="c4vda-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="c4vda-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">When he was formally awarded his Nobel Peace prize in 2010, he was represented at the ceremony by an empty chair. He was not allowed to travel to Sweden to receive his Nobel Peace Prize. In court in 2009, and in the eight long prison years between then and now, he refused to recant his commitment to democracy. No wonder China's leaders are as afraid of him in death as they were in life.</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="682ps-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="682ps-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="682ps-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="41q1s-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="41q1s-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="41q1s-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">"There is nothing criminal in anything I have done but I have no complaints." Liu said in 2009. He was one of the international A-list of individuals imprisoned for their beliefs, alongside Nelson Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi and Carl von Ossietzky. His wife, Liu Xia, is also kept under house arrest.</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="7qjgb-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="7qjgb-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="7qjgb-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="8j70i-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="8j70i-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="8j70i-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">Liu was an inspiring figure for a new generation of Chinese pro-democracy activists and his death is being remembered by political artists. </span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="be60u-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="be60u-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="be60u-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="6jbsk-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="6jbsk-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="6jbsk-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">In the long term Chinese leadership cannot and will not be able to erase memories of the struggle Liu Xiaobo was committed to.</span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="eegah-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="eegah-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="eegah-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true" /></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="pb83" data-offset-key="ff3dj-0-0" style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div class="_1mf _1mj" data-offset-key="ff3dj-0-0" style="direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; position: relative;"><span data-offset-key="ff3dj-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;">http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-40585327</span></div></div>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-50817202760433849362017-07-12T17:50:00.001-07:002017-07-12T17:50:02.560-07:00Talks at Google: "Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism"<a href="http://www.democracyatwork.info/rdw_at_google?utm_campaign=071217_google&utm_medium=email&utm_source=democracyatwork">Talks at Google: "Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism"</a><br /><br /><br />
"Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism" by Professor Richard Wolff<br /><br />
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You can make your own conclusions after listening to his presentation below, the best presentation I have seen from among the dozens of his presentations. He is a Harvard graduate, holder of two Masters degrees in Economics and a Masters in History and a PhD in Economics. A Professor of Economics all his adult life, he is currently Professor of Economics Emeritus, University of Massachusetts.<br /><br />
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He highlights the machinations of our global economy to unpack links between political and corporate policy, organization of labor, the distribution of goods and services. He challenges us to question some of the deepest foundations of our society.Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-82727357369618289822017-07-12T06:28:00.001-07:002017-07-12T06:28:13.494-07:00Sixth extinction: The era of 'biological annihilation' - CNN.com<a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/07/11/world/sutter-mass-extinction-ceballos-study/index.html">Sixth extinction: The era of 'biological annihilation' - CNN.com</a>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-9848293913637971242017-05-19T00:05:00.001-07:002017-05-19T00:05:00.122-07:00The Fate Of Another Muslim Child Marriage – Colombo Telegraph<a href="https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/the-fate-of-another-muslim-child-marriage/">The Fate Of Another Muslim Child Marriage – Colombo Telegraph</a><br /><br />
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Sri Lanka: The Fate Of Another Muslim Child MarriageLionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-28742111698748377652017-05-11T04:45:00.001-07:002017-05-11T04:45:52.455-07:00Triple talaq: India top court reviews Islamic instant divorce - BBC News<a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-39880273">Triple talaq: India top court reviews Islamic instant divorce - BBC News</a><br /><br />
<br /><br />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">The Indian government has told the court that triple talaq is unconstitutional, against gender justice and the dignity of women.</span>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-75454996622813433432017-03-01T16:38:00.001-08:002017-03-01T16:38:10.581-08:00Michael Moore: Where To Invade Next | SBS On Demand<a href="http://www.sbs.com.au/ondemand/video/875666499826/michael-moore-where-to-invade-next">Michael Moore: Where To Invade Next | SBS On Demand</a>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6016720849838725699.post-7248702098965989362017-02-25T05:16:00.001-08:002017-02-25T05:16:22.507-08:00Hon R Sampanthan's Speech on the 24th of January 2016 - YouTube<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MgQLVrSkWSc">S</a>ri Lanka: <span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">Hon R Sampanthan's Speech on the 24th of January 2016. A comprehensive and very touching speech, highlighting many historical events and promises made by various leaders in Sri Lanka. What shame for Sri Lanka, Mr President and Mr Prime Minister?</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MgQLVrSkWSc"> on the 24th of January 2016 - YouTube</a>Lionel Bopagehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14698184595814531326noreply@blogger.com0